[300] 300

LXXXVI. Ferdinand királynak Veráncsics és Zay.

Summa successus ultimae actionis legatorum: Antonii Verancii, Francisci Zay et Augerii a Bus­becche apud principem Turcarum Zoleimanum habi­tae. 1557. mense Augusto.

Ad sacratissimam regiam majestatem dominum suum clementissimum.

Ea duo nos, sacratissime et serenissime rex, An­tonius Verancius et Franciscus Zay, exposituri ma­jestati vestrae hoc nostro reditu, quae apud principem Turcarum Zuleimanum et passas ejus cum collega nostro magistro Augerio a Busbecche ultima id tem­poris actione egerimus, singillatim omnia suo ordine referemus, idque hoc praesenti scripto, ut cuncta vestrae majestati et plenius et facilius constent, quam si oretenus referrentur. Habuit enim eadem actio plu­ [301] 301rimum et contentionis, difficultatisque, et omnis ejus ratio videtur esse diligenter expendenda

Quare, quum idem Turcarum princeps Adriano­poli Constantinopolim superiori Junio remigrasset, eam solam nos sollicite curam habuimus, ut, quae postremo ad nos majestas vestra per Michaelem Mol­nar tabellarium suum mandata dederat, sine omni mora exequeremur. Jam enim ab adventu ejusdem ta­bellarii quatuor menses praeterierant, quibus nihil egeramus, verebamurque, nostrae negligentiae iri im­putatum, quicquid passae sua fortasse peculiari qua­piam opportunitate, et majestatis vestrae incommodo dedita opera differebant. Eos itaque ubi primum as­sequuti sumus, et connivere jam adpetitiones nostras de actione aggredienda nequivere, initio omnium adi­tum ad Hruztanum passam postulavimus, ut ei tam de suo, quam de principis sui salvo reditu, pro lega­torum officio, gratularemur, habentes interim consti­tutum, ut eidem rem quoque nostram cum dexteritate in memoriam revocare mus, et ejus finem totis viribus juxta mandatum urgeremus. Sic tandem Junii ejusdem IX. quum appulisset tertia duos potiores interpretes publicos Ibraimum Polonum, et Ferhattum Hungarum ad nos misit, qui quum plura et varia nobiscum con­tulissent, captati fortasse initio quippiam de his (uti plane apparebat), quae ad agendum haberemus, sub­didere tandem, passam nunciasse, de aditu ad se nos non laboraturos, quippe qui nobis semper pateret. Si quid tamen novi ad tractandum haberemus, signifi­caremus illi; sin minus, frustra nos eum cum veteri­bus adituros, quae dudum intellecta probe tenerent.

Tum nos haud difficili consideratione assequuti, quorsum hujusmodi jacularentur, quove res etiam [302] 302nostra esset e vasura, si quae ad ipsum passam Hruz­tanum privatim, publiceque ad omnes caeteros coram agitanda haberemus, ea non a nobis, sed ab internun­ciis, hominibusque non nostris sed eorum cognovis­sent, renunciavimus: Constitisse ei ­his etiam postremis a majestate vestra allatis litteris, ita nos hoc tempore esse ejusdem oratores, ut a principio fueramus, habe­reque eodem modo, quod agamus nunc in hoc pacis negotio, ut hactenus per totum ejus cursum habuimus. Eaque causa, quia nos ad magnitudinem hujus principis, et ad ipsos dominos ejus passas summos vezirios, quo­rum ipse Hruztanus principatum teneret, missi sumus et non ad alios, optaremus ad eos deduci, ut coram audiremur non autem per internuncios.

Visum autem est, sic ei esse respondendum, quia saepius ante adventum Michaelis Molnar dictitaverat: nos veteres esse oratores, nec jam quicquam necessario­rum mandatorum habere, oportereque majestatem ve­stram adhuc alium quempiam oratorem mittere, et sub­mittere opportuniora ad pacem componendam mandata.

Die tum postero, quae fuit X. Junii, quum fuisset passa ­his assensus, privatim nos admisit Ubi gratula­tionis officio perfuncti, hujusmodi eum compendio alio­quuti sumus: Quoniam dudum ejus dominatio perlegerit, quae proxime ad nos majestas vestra scripsit, existi­mare nos, ea non esse jam denuo repetenda, et duo tantum majestatem vestram his litteris declarare vo­luisse: alterum, quod majestas vestra etiam nunc eo­dem esset pacis atque amicitiae hujus principis de­siderio, quo jam fuit ab integro quadriennio, alterum, quod ea omnia eidem vestrae majestati placuissent, grataque et rata essent, quaecunque nos ad hoc tem­pus cum illis apud eorum principem egissemus, age­ [303] 303musque etiam imposterum, donec tota res finem sor­tiretur. Postremo, quia quae ad hanc ipsam pacem componendam, quantum ad partes majestatis vestrae attineret, honesteque et commode pro utrisque fieri posset, satis abunde eis exposuerimus, nullo adhuc responso habito, nunc ad postremum jussos esse, ut responderi nobis curaremus, adjectis ad haec etiam aliis quibusdam, praesertim vero de fiducia vestrae majestatis, quam in eodem passa haberet, ostentati accuratius, totam rem in ipso esse collocatam, ab eo­que exspectari omnia, conciliantes utique hominem nostrae causae. Nihil alioqui interim omittentes, quod ad tuendam, fortiterque eandem promovendam nos[1]convenerit.

Quae ad haec passa respondit, vultu satis placido minimeque turbulento, ea paucis cursimque fuere dicta, monitis nobis adhuc initio congressus, ut eo tum essemus breviores, quod nobis auditis, arduum quodpiam negotium illi incumberet nec vacare diu nobis posset; quae tamen attigit, ea hujusmodi fuere, notatu sane non indigna: Jam diu nobis, si memine­rimus, esse responsum, nihil videlicet principem eo­rum, hoc etiam tempore majestati, vestrae in Hunga­ria permissurum, quae ad Budam regno antea integro pertinuisse constarent, nosque ea causa, omni prorsus cura Hungariae posthabita, bis jam de rebus agere­mus, quae Austriam, Moraviam, et alias vestrae ma­jestatis provincias, Hungariae vicinas concernerent, si ejus pace atque amicitia frui vellemus. Quumque illi hoc ipsius orationis contextu nos quoque dare­mus responsa, digna fide atque offiicio nostro, et qua­lia ab eo proposita merebantur, haudquaquam suc­ [304] 304cumbendo, intulit non omnino sine aliqua latente ma­lique animi energia: esse Augerium Alemanum ho­minem, nec mirari se, quod rem vestrae majestatis tan­topere, tamque fortiter tueretur. Verum duos colle­gas ejus reliquos, Verancium et Zay etiam indigne, minusque recte agere, quod quum ipsi essent Hun­gari, subactique a suo principe cum caeteris Hungaris forent, idipsum tamen agere pergerent, quod Auge­rius, nec agnoscerent se se ipsius sui principis mancipia.

Ad haec nos quoque quod opportune potuissemus respondere, et si non deerat, ne quid tamen perturba­tionis attulissemus publico negotio, praesertim id tem­poris, quando jam nobis tota res in ipso cardine ver­saretur, temperavimus atque ei sic respondimus: Sa­tis nos bene intelligere quinam essemus, caeterum ea tantum agere, quae ab rege nostro in mandatis ha­beremus, quae sciremus esse nostri muneris. Quibus ipse non admodum attente exauditis, nisi forte simu­laverat, subjecit, se nihil tandem his ex verbis nostris percepisse aliud, quam quod redeundi potestatem pe­teremus, de quo postea plura esset nobiscum loquu­turus; hisque dictis, abitum nobis manu demonstravit, nosque ab eo recessimus, satis dubii, quemnam esset res nostra finem habitura. Quumque postea plures dies, sedentibus nobis inaniter elabi incepissent, nec quicquam omnino intelligeremus, quid essent acturi, haud dubie denuo nos diutius neglecturos, et rem no­vis dilationibus, silentio nobis imposito, suspensuros arbitrati sumus, quamquam alioqui non destitimus in­terim, quotidie fere cum antedictis interpretibus de­dita opera expostulare, ut per eos querelae nostrae deferrentur; sed quum hac ratione parum proficeremus, [305] 305ejusmodi in divanum ad eosdem passas die Junii XX. scripto destinavimus: nimirum quoniam duo jam men­ses essent ab adventu tabellarii vestrae majestatis, quem optaverant, nec adhuc tamen ab ipsis producti fuissemus ad agenda, quae hoc praesenti tempore officium nostrum postularet: valde nos metuere, ne­quid nobis aequaliter, tam ab ipsis passis, quam a ve­stra majestate imputetur, si diutius inaniter silueri­mus, remque ac finem legationis nostrae curare ne­glexerimus. Eos propterea rogare nos magnopere, ve­lint jam tandem adeundi sese facultatem facere, ut quae haberemus cum illis ad agendum, ea tempestive ageremus et transigeremus, ne si sub hac dilatione et mora inopinatum quippiam apud confinia emerge­ret, omnis primum in nos ministros, deinde in ipsam majestatem vestram, regem ac dominum nostrum, culpa conferretur. Nec frustra, quod putamus, usi hoc stimulo, XXVIII. dicti Junii, jam prope nihil spe­rantes tale, passa nos in curiam cum munere, de quo proximis litteris scripsimus, venire jussit, nuncians quod ad principem quoque esset nos deducturus.

Profecti itaque in curiam, munereque eodem pro decore ac dignitate majestatis vestrae illato, primum passas, pro more gentis convenimus, hujusmodique ad eos verba habuimus: quamdiu videlicet, quamque diligenter, sincereque majestas vestra perseveraverit hactenus in desiderio et petitione pacis hujus eo­rum principis, satis jam abunde universo orbi cogni­tum esse, nedum ipsis passis atque ipsorum principi. Ideoque, quia majestas vestra semper, ad hoc usque tempus, frustrata fuerit hujusmodi desiderio et peti­tione sua sane quam sincera et candida, nec jam ean­dem posse diutius pendere dubiam, inter praefatae [306] 306pacis spem et desperationem, nunc postremo tandem certior fieri per nos decrevisse, si sit memoratam pa­cem habitura, nec ne. Misso huc potissimum hac de causa praesenti etiam nuncio suo cum litteris, firmis­sime mandatum nobis, ut si eo modo dicta pax ma­jestati vestrae non concederetur, qui modus saepe jam numero a nobis fuisset ipsis declaratus, etiam non impetrata ipsa pace, dimissionem peteremus, et rediremus omnes. Nosque volentes hujusmodi vestrae majestatis obedire mandatis, haec omni cum honore et reverentia eis exponere, rogantes, ut pacem eorum principe nulla ratione concedere volente, vellent sal­tem ipsi passae petitionem nostram deferre ad ejus magnitudinem, nostroque apud eandem nomine interce­dere, ut juxta salvum conductum, verbo suo pro no­bis vestrae majestati datum, dignaretur tandem nos absolvere, et dimitti benigne facere, ne hic diutius, hac inutili mora tempus atque operam consumentes, domi etiam majestatem vestram gravissime offende­remus.

Tum Hruztanus: mirari se, inquit, quod quum diu jam continenter ab eis audiamus, principem eo­rum nihil prorsus in regno Hungariae majestati ve­strae velle concedere, quaecunque antea pertinuere ad Budam, de hoc tamen nos nondum cessasse lo­qui. Ubinam aliquando vel legerimus vel viderimus, elapsorum temporum principes devicta regna atque provincias hostibus possidenda remisisse? vosque quonam pacto imperatoris nostri quaeritis amicitiam, qui regnum gladio ejus acquisitum, et vestigio equi percalcatum, vestro jure, vestraque potestate conten­ditis retinere; aliaque id genus plura, brevi in fine co­hortatione adhibita, ut perspiceremus bene ea, quae [307] 307nobis dicerentur, illud haud dubie innuendo et incul­cando, ut pacem pro ipsius atque ejus principis ar­bitratu et quaereremus et acciperemus.

Ad quae nos vitando ea, ex quibus novae et prolixae disceptationes duci possent, quum nihil prope jam sit relictum nobis, quod cum eis de Hun­garicis rebus toties non excusserimus, paucis respon­dimus: majestatem vestram jam inde a penetrata eorum principis in Hungariam potentia, eodem prin­cipe non invito, libenter et pacifìce prius viciniae causa per amicitiam tantum, deinde per foedera, mu­neraque honoraria Hungariam tenuisse. Saepe etiam postmodum, eundem eorum principem tum nunciis, tum litteris suis liberam facultatem majestati vestrae fecisse, ipsam Hungariam possidendi, uti eam ad hoc usque tempus possedit, et modo etiam possidet, si Transsylvaniam Joannis filio, pro ejus magnitudinis voluntate concessisset. Nunc igitur concessa eidem filio Transsylvania, non quidem alia causa, quam dun­taxat, ut magnitudini suae gratificaretur, cur in ea­dem Hungaria majestas vestra imposterum quoque jure non permanere possit? aut quam honeste, quamve juste ex ea detrudi debeat? praesertim quum nos quo­que non ullo alio nomine huc transmitti voluerit, quam ut vobiscum apud suam magnitudinem tractaremus, et conficeremus memoratae jam toties pacis reconci­liationem, quantum videlicet ad ipsius Hungariae ra­tiones attineret; vestram demum majestatem non esse ejus magnitudini hostem, idque jam quadrienni pacis petitione toti mundo palam fecisse, et eos ac eorum principem non ignorare. Caeterum hoc etiam apertius eandem majestatem vestram testificari, ab amicitia magnitudinis ejus recedendi animum non habere, quod [308] 308illius munificentia uti desiderat atque contendit, non aliter ab hoc suo studio et voluntate recessura, quam coacta.

Eotum subjiciente quaedam magis tumultuarie et cursim, quod ad principem ingredi omnes una festi­nabant, nosque videbant perstare in proposito, dixit, majestatem vestram omnes causas porrexisse atque in dies porrigere, propter quas eorum principem non haberet amicum ex sententia, quippe cujus volun­tati necdum sese accomodare vellet.

Subjunximus, nullas hactenus majestatem ve­stram belli causas illis porrexisse, viaque armorum quicquid superiori tempore visa est attentasse, id et se et sua defendendi causa fecisse, non Consilio lae­dendi aliena; quantum autem curavit accomodare sese voluntati ejus magnitudinis, ex cessione primum Transsylvaniae constare, deinde ex eo etiam claris­simum esse, quod hoc quoque tempore assidua finiti­morum eorum hostilitate infestata atque ad arma provocata, a voluntate tamen et petitione pacis at­que amicitiae ejus magnitudinis nondum destitisset. Hisque de causis facile ea vestrae majestati ab ejus magnitudine posse concedi, quae postulat, nimirum, ut in illa regni parte conservetur adusque Transsyl­vaniae limites, in qua permansit hactenus. Magnitu­dinem eorum principis ad caeterarum victoriarum prae­conia, quae hucusque armis obtinuit, fore gloriosiorem munificentia, et maximo suo tum honori, tum com­modo facturam, si bine Joannis filio in altero terrae pugno collocato, hinc in altero majestate vestra per­missa, aeque utrumque amicum sibi confirmandum censuerit.

Ad quae nullo firmo responso dato, surrexerunt, [309] 309nosque ad principem deduxere. Apud quem, quum habuissemus loquendi potestatem, saepe ante expe­titam, hoc tempore summe etiam opportunam, quo prin­cipem ipsimet per nos de summa totius rei coram serio alloqueremur, Augerius (uti aliis nostris perscripsimus) sic ad cum verba fecit: Serenissimus rex noster, ma­xime et potentissime princeps, plurimam salutem et felicitatem magnitudini vestrae precatur, eidemque mittit munera, ut intelligat magnitudo vestra, neque nunc deesse voluntatem majestati suae, neque ad ho­norandam vestram magnitudinem defuturam. Petit autem majestas sua a magnitudine vestra bonam pa­cem et amicitiam, et ut quemadmodum majestas sua primo voto magnitudinis vestrae Transsylvaniam li­benter concedit filio Joannis regis, sic e contra ma­gnitudo vestra reliquam Hungariam sub annuo mu­nere honorario majestati suae concedere non grave­tur. Nihil enim tam magnum est, quod majestas sua a tanto et tam magnanimo principe impetraturam se non confidat, quod si tamen id obtineri non possit, quandoquidem aliud, quod amplius agamus nos non habemus, tunc summo studio rogamus, ut saltem ma­gnitudo vestra nos oratores salvos et incolumes ad regem, dominum nostrum, et in patriam diu desidera­tam redire permittat, secundum morem omnium gen­tium, secundum salvum conductum magnitudinis ve­strae, et ejusdem magnitudinis vestrae laudatissimam consuetudinem.

Quae quum summa attentione, mitique et ad bene­volentiam quandam, vix unquam alias ita vultu erga nos composito, audisset, appareretque, quod plura etiam lo­qui nos, si voluissemus, fuisset passus, nos tamen veriti, secus eam nobis audientiam successuram, memores [310] 310Amasianae nimis severae ac tetricae, quod praesertim ne nunc quoque illius votis essemus morem gesturi, passurique in ejus voluntatem pertrahi, nudam rem, eamque paucis comprehendendam nobis esse duximus. Quamquam quaecunque alia bis adjecissemus, verba tantum et phalerae extitissent, quae quidem, quum apud hos nullum locum soleant obtinere, quae eis ad­versantur, ne umbram quoque eidem scilicet rei adjicere voluimus, ut simplicitate sua efficacius animo ejus, quod vellemus, inhaesisset. Sic demum et peroratione nostra et relatione interpretis admodum benigniter expectata, paucis respondit, visurum se scilicet et re­sponsurum nobis.

Die post quinta, quae fuit Julii III. ad Hruz­tanum passam accersiti sumus, ubi nobiscum mo­deste, placideque horam ferme integram colloquutus, eam tandem conditionem pacis, quam superioribus lit­teris nostris de Agria, Palota et Zigetho attigimus, non sine quodam artificio, prius per varia divagatus proposuit, sumpto ab his verbis exordio: Si videlicet sic esset, quod majestas vestra tantam in ejus opera atque amicitia fiduciam haberet, quantam nos diu jam eandem habere saepenumero testati sumus ac testa­remur etiam tunc, par quidem esse, ut etiam Consilio ipsius uteretur, nosque pariter acquiesceremus, si rite utilitati ejusdem vestrae majestatis prospiceremus; aliaque id genus coetera, quae quum litteris nostris superioribus latius complexi sumus, hic esse repetenda non duximus, utpote jam abunde cognita; verum ac­curatius tunc, quod non scripseramus, nobiscum de no­bis questus, per duritiem nimirum nostram stetisse, quominus hactenus de pace quicquam conclusum fue­rit, quippe qui nunquam bene monenti assentiri volue­ [311] 311rimus, in eas tandem erupit minas, ut imperatorem eorum anno insequenti cum tota sua potentia exspe­ctaremus in Hungaria, nisi conditionem bis de tribus locis, saepe jam nominatis, acciperemus, idque nobis esse faciendum, quod ipse suaderet, si saperemus, et commodis tum vestrae majestatis, tum subditorum suorum quieti, securitatique consulere satageremus.

Cui nos de industria responso ad bellicas minas non dilatato, vitalites contentionem, saepe jam frustra cum illis habitam, sed in Deum rejecto illius exitu, cujus providentia res etiam Christianae regerentur et sustentarentur, subjunximus, neminem melius com­moda vestrae majestatis ac subditorum suorum quie­tem securitatemque cognoscere ipsa vestra majestate, et subditis ejus, nosque in obeundis mandatis domini ac regis nostri non debere eodem velle esse sapien­tiores, sed tantum et sapere, scireque ac praesumere quantum intelligeremus esse ejus voluntatis. Ut au­tem et subditi vestrae majestatis, qui illam in regem suum elegerunt, fìdei, regiminique illius sese ultro publicis votis subdiderunt, vicissimque majestas ve­stra eisdem omnem ex sese tutelam, libertatemque vetusto jure gentis concedi solitam repromiserit, ita certe non aliam et subditos vestrae majestatis quietem securitatemque agnoscere, firmamque judi­care, quam qua sub christiano principe suo frui pos­sint. Hincque fieri, quod nec majestas vestra fìdeles suos subditos ulla ratione honeste queat deserere, nec eandem iidem sui subditi, qui sacramenti datae fidei meminerunt, accepta autem a majestate vestra Agria, Palota, Zigeto, et haec intra loca eidem limite po­sito, quid hoc esset aliud, quam tota excessisse Hun­garia, nempe quando ex urbe Viennensi, et fines di­ [312] 312tionis, sibi factae reliquae, quotidie facile cerneret, et uno sagittae ictu pertingeret? quod majestatem suam facere, quam sit absurdum, vel ipsimet non ignorarent, qui tam mordicus sua retineant et tueantur, eaque causa ne nos quoque, ut voluntatis vestrae ma­jestatis bene memores, vel cogitare de hoc, nedum lo­qui audere et posse.

Tum ille omissis, quae nos dixeramus, caeteris, et quaenam inquit, ista est regis vestri electio? nonve imperator noster devicto rege Ludovico totius regni Hungariae sit factus dominus? (in quem lapidem sae­pissime impingunt, aegerrime ferentes, non solum esse majestatem vestram legitimum Hungariae re­gem, sed etiam dici) unde nos hoc etiam tempore coacti nonnulla de consuetudine et jure quorundam regnorum inter Christianos attingere, quod eis esset in eligendis regibus, adhibita obiter etiam haereditario­rum ratione, edocuimus eum non jejune, tametsi paucis, jus utrumque majestatem vestram in regno Hungariae obtinere, nec eo se posse dejici sine magno et suo et serenissimorum filiorum suorum praejudi­cio; quo autem eadem majestas vestra in dicto regno Hungariae et jure suo et principis eorum munificen­tia pacifice, libereque sub annua muneris honorarii pensione permanere possit, ut permansit hactenus, ad eas majestatem vestram cum sua magnitudine con­ditiones descendisse, quae jam dudum a nobis, ut suf­ficientes et idoneae ad constituendam pacem tanto candore quaesitam, pronunciatae, locum sane merito habere a quadriennio debuissent, praesertim quum facta jam Transsylvaniae cessione Joannis filio, in ejus magnitudinis desiderium, duorum quoque anno­rum munus honorarium, quod belli causa, a finitimis [313] 313suis moti, erat intermissum, jam dixerimus non esse eidem magnitudini suae negaturam; videlicet si suo etiam vicissim voto ab eadem amice respondebitur.

Ad quae quum respondere diligentius velle vi­deretur, subitoque quodam quasi furore percitus, ab duorum annorum intermissione pensionis honorariae sumpto dicendi principio, nimirum quod merito ea pensione majestas vestra obligaretur, uti debita, ejus­demque culpa a suo cursu impedita, forte beglerbe­gus Graeciae intervenit, inceptoque mox sermone alio, oblivione, an studio, nescimus, eum tamen ad ea vertit, quae non admodum momenti maximi, ad statum pe­culiariter nostrum attinerent, causa demum sciscitata cur tam solliciti, dimissionem peteremus, eo est pro­vectus, hoc atque illud disserendo, ut inferret nihil no­bis deesse, affatimqun eorum principem omne genus annonae, pabulique, et quod tum nostro, tum jumen­torum nostrorum reliquo victui necessarium foret, suppeditare, et quaedam alia hujusmodi, haudquaquam conditioni illius decora, praesertim teste beglerbego, et in faciem nobis.

Cui nos quoque convenienter responsum facturi, majore nonnihil etiam ob praesentiam tanti testis diximus: eo nos dimissionem ita sedulo postulare, quod a majestate vestra jussi essemus, quando jam hic tanto tempore frustra consumpto, videretur nihil nobis de perficienda pace succedere. Caeterum nos de bona tractatione magnitudini suae et ipsi domino passae ingentes habere gratias, verum esse nobis domi etiam nostrae quod edamus et bibamus, eaque causa non venisse nos huc, ut ederemus et bibere­mus, sed ut de pace ageremus, eaque vel conclusa, [314] 314vel non, mox postmodum ad majestatem vestram re­diremus.

Non obscure hic erubuit, re tamen subridendo in jocum versa, jactatis modo in beglerbegum oculis, modo in nos, respondit: non ideo fuisse se sic loquu­tum, quod haec nobis exprobraret, aut quod ignoraret domi nos non esse inopes, verum solere ubique gen­tium in oratores declarari, quocunque animo in co­rum principes essent ii rerum domini, ad quos fuere missi, fierique ea in nos, quae fierent non nostra sed regis nostri causa; quae quidem omnia aequum esset nos agnoscere et boni consulere, minimeque etiam gravari hac dimissionis nostrae mora, quum exstet memoria, alias quoque Hungarum quempiam orato­rem, per septennium integrum apud eos fuisse habi­tura, idque non alia de causa, quam ut interim res utriusque partis commodius eum fìnem sortiri potuis­sent, qui utrique cessisset ex sententia, quemadmo­dum hoc etiam tempore nobiscum ageretur.

Nos hoc, ut jam saepe antea ab interpretibus auditum, sine responso praeterire non passi, ne ratum habuisse visi fuissemus, recte id eum quidem afferre in medium, subjunximus, sic esse sane, ut diceret, ve­rum scire, nunc etiam Hungaris eam oratoris illius, qui fuit Barnabas Bellay nomine, detentionem in mentibus haerere, eaque non leviter offendi, et dolere pariter quod illud exemplum vetus, ne tunc quidem in laude habitum, in nobis modo renovetur, tanto prae­sertim salvo conductu et tanto principis verbo ac bonitate fretis, quod certe fieri pro aequitate et omnium gentium jure non deberet.

Tum ille induciis quinquennalibus, successu Transsylvaniae, casu Malvezii nostro tempore, et de [315] 315hinc omnibus hujusmodi exteris ordine repetitis, et, in disceptationem adductis, omnes principis sui inimi­citiarum contra majestatem vestram causas ex his­dem rerum interventis fuisse egressas, comprobare nitebatur, dicens, eundem principem suum pacem illam inducialem cum majestate vestra et cum majestate caesarea non sua necessitate, commodove, aut suo aut subditorum suorum, sed Venetorum, Ragusinorum, Genuensium, coeterorumque similium, partim amico­rum, partim sociorum suorum, insulas et oras mariti­mas incolentium securitati atque otio consulturum pepigisse, quod quidem nos haud scimus, quid attine­bat de his tribus populis commemorasse, quum arma vestrarum majestatum Christianos non soleant infe­stare; sic ei tamen dixisse placuit, illud adjiciendo: pacem eandem non a suo principe, sed a majestate vestra fuisse interruptam, unde postea et Transsyl­vaniae controversia, et Malvesii aerumnae, et haec demum nostra diuturnior detentio, aliaque multa tur­bulenta in finibus nostris fuissent causata et conse­quuta; contortaque ad postremum culpa omnium in majestatem vestram, intulit, nullam eidem imposterum fidem esse adbibendam, nihil etiam in Hungaria con­cedendum, jusque omne libertatis, vitae ac mortis nostrae nec jam in vestrae majestatis esse potestate, nec in nostra, sed in ipsorum principe, quo ne salvo conductu tantopere niteremur, nihil hunc jam prodesse nobis, ad sex menses illuni fuisse datum, nosque his elapsis, mox in eorum arbitrium concessisse, foreque imposterum, dum eorundem principi libuerit.

Haec tam acriter circa finem colloquii enunciata, serione an dissimulanter gratia beglerbegi protule­rit, quod haud dubie ita fuisse, alter interpretum su­ [316] 316periorum nobis affirmavit, nos omnino dubitavimus; at ne quid hoc ultimo statu rerum muneris nostri de­cessisse nobis constantiae, nosque adhuc habere in arcanis, quod necessitate esset nobis remittendum, existimasset, qua quidem spe et cogitatione ad ex­tremum usque destituì minime potuerant, ut potentia insolentes, nos quoque paulo efficacius respondimus. Haec nimirum verba si princeps eorum ad majesta­tem vestram piane perscripsisset, quando nos ad se deducebat, sciret ipse passa, longe alio Consilio ma­jestatem vestram fuisse nos huc missuram, aut for­tasse ne missuram quidem. De authoribus vero vio­latarum induciarum quinquennalium, quique inter majestatem vestram et magnitudinem eorum princi­pis dissidiorum causas praebuerunt, eos nos, quia saepe jam in finitimis ipsorum eis demonstravimus, nec putemus necessarium esse, toties hujus contro­versiae veritatem retexere, cui nunquam hactenus lo­cum dare voluerunt, nunc nos omnia studiose praete­rire. Verum si praeteritarum turbarum causas, de quibus ad nos nihil attineret, in nos magnitudo sua conjiciet, nosque salvi sui conductus jure et fiducia spoliabit, quo liberos securosque ad se venire voluit, liberosque et securos ab se dimittere verbo suo pro­misit, pace vel confecta, vel infecta, potentia id qui­dem poterit facere ejus magnitudo (in ipsius enim manibus sumus), an tamen juste, honesteque, et sine suggillatione nominis ac famae suae poterit, videat.

Ad quae dum respondere incepisset, digreditur beglerbegus, indeque ab hoc argumento rerum ab­ductus, denuo coepit nos identidem monere et cohor­tari, ut si rebus majestatis vestrae rite consulere vellemus, Consilio ipsius assentiremus, et sic dum ipse [317] 317a suo instituto non recedit, in nostro nos persistimus dimisit nos, adjiciens, quod de his ad principem esset relaturus.

Toto tunc nos accuratius considerato passae Hruztani habitu, quo sese nobis exhibuerat, spe jam dudum et e publicis et e privatis locis non levium amicorum relatibus imbuti, quod illis ipsis divanis expediri omnino deberemus, haud dubie ipsi quoque id futurum credidisse nonnihil videbamur. Tamen et his, qui tunc habebantur, et consequentibus frustrati sumus. Et quia dum haec aguntur, allatum est, jam adventare oratorem Persiae, cujus fama sub reditu principis hujus prorsus obticuerat; appulereque etiam Joannis filii nuncii, Temeswarum ac Lyppam, limites siquidem antea illi traditos ad Transsylvaniam po­stulantes; denuo coepimus de dimissione nostra de­sperare, existimantes bine nova impedimenta nobis exorta esse, versique tota sollicitudine ad investigan­dum, quidnam sese expeditioni nos trae tam repente interposuisset, forte Ibrainus interpres convenit nos, tum eodem quoque summa diligentia rogato rei hujus­modi tam insperatae causam, respondit, prorsus se ignorare, et nihil sperasse tale, nisi si passae prius a nobis opperirentur responsum de tribus locis, quam accerseremur, seque putare non alienum nos factu­ros, si eos scripto admoneremus nostri negotii, passa enim Hruztanus postquam nobis Agriae, Palotae, Zy­gethique proposuisset conditionem, ut majestati ve­strae clarius ratio de hac expectatione responsi ex­ponatur, hortatus etiam fuerat nos, ut biduum tri­duumve in hospitio deliberaremus, quid in hoc animi haberemus. Nos vero ostensuri majestatem vestram omnes conditiones, quae et juxta petitionem nostram, [318] 318saepius jam apud eos factam, et secundum mandata vestrae majestatis tum initio, cum non ita pridem no­bis data, de toto loquerentur, aspernaturam, neve etiam spei quippiam injiceremus illis, quod non aegre adhuc possemus ab instituto proposito dimoveri, quantulamcunque regni portiunculam vestrae maje­stati promisissent, modo concessa etiam pace, dixi­mus, non egere nos ea deliberatione vel momento mi­nimo temporis, quum actutum eodem loci paratissimi essemus ad respondendum, uti et respondimus juxta praemissa.

Usuri nihilominus consilio interpretis, et dili­gentia nostra, minime segniter jam incepta ad obti­nendam expeditionem, haec ad passas XII. Julii transmisimus. Nimirum quia jam nos ad ea, quae no­bis proxime fuerant proposita, abunde et fìnaliter re­sponderimus, nec esse quicquam, de quo alia a nobis deliberatio super illa re expectetur, postquam ea ne­gentur nobis, quae jam toties ab initio, uti promissa atque adeo etiam debita postulaverimus, eorum nos illustrissimas dominationes magnopere rogare, digna­rentur tandem nobis a magnitudine sui principis, vel benignum responsum cum eorum concessione impe­trare, quae (uti jam diximus) diu peteremus, vel sal­tem justam dimissionem pro clementi magnitudinis suae promissione obtinere. Quandoquidem et tem­pus jam ipsum nimis sane longum frustraneae deten­tionis nostrae, et omnis tam divina quam humana aequitas postulet, ut hujusmodi dilationibus finis im­ponatur.

His nostris litteris in divano lectis, quid tandem agendum passae de re nostra censuissent, nihil pror­sus intelleximus, quum ne verbo etiam unico quic­ [319] 319quam nobis renunciare curarint. Ciaus bassy tantum, qui divanorum tempore summi cujusdam apparitoris passarum obsequia juxta morem gentis obire solitus, et litteras nostras intulerat, suo nobis renunciarat no­mine: dixisse passas brevi se nostro quoque negotio operam daturos. Quo responso non contenti, sollici­tavimus etiam interpretes, quidnam dixissent passae ad nostras litteras, numve quippiam responsi per eos transmisissent. Sed ne iis quoque habentibus, quod ex mandato eorundem passarum reserere possent, per totam interim urbem increbuit, deferri que etiam ad nos inceptum est, haud dubie ex peditionem nostram per id tempus futuram. Sed passas duo expectare: festa bairani, quae jam imminebant, et adventum Persae oratoris, qui etiam non longe aberat, fierique alterum partim propter existimationem eorum, partim ut nos Persae potentia, Persam vero nostra territent, nihilo sane dissimilius quam Amasiae, utrosque in sua vota pertrahere enixuri. Alterum vero epuli gratia, quod le­gatis, cum quibus pacem jam habent constitutam, pu­blice in curia, expeditionis eorum tempore solent ex­hibere, quia tunc jejunii sui religione prohibiti, quo noctibus duntaxat vesci morem habent, exhibere fas non fuerat. Quod utrumque etsi non erat tale, ut magni fieri debuisset, quum et alterum frivolum duximus et vehe­menter execrati sumus, postquam unius aut ad sum­mum duarum horarum epulo tanti mementi rem in mora retinere oportuisset; quum tamen nec obtinere, quod vellemus, possemus, nec ulla nobis ad extor­quendum vel via erat vel ratio, coacti sumus hoc etiam tempus opperiri, et credere, quando sic volebant, maxime his nos morari de causis. Cui morae XII. [320] 320diebus datis, passas denuo sub ipso bairano monui­mus per litteras, multis nos verbis nolle jam eos mo­lestare, verum paucissimis rogare, ut expeditionis no­strae meminissent, et nobis juxta promissionem pro­prio ore principis eorum responderent, quum jam aliud non haberemus, quod nobis esset expectandum.

Verum ad hanc etiam petitionem nostram, quum omnino siluissent per triduum, duximus esse excu­sandos ob celebritatem bairani, quod festum sum­mum et fere unicum toto anno habere consueverunt. Prima tamen die Augusti iterum ad sollicitandos con­versi, haec ad interpretem Ibrainum paucis scripsi­mus: Adiret privatim supremum passam mox lectis nostris litteris, et cum summa instantia rogaret no­stro nomine, vellet jam tandem serio expeditionem nostram promovere, ac scire detentionem nostram ibi­dem ita diuturnam atque indignam, nullum rebus communibus afferre commodum, quicquid interim aliud animo suo vel princeps ejus vel ipse volutaret; caete­rum, ut quaecunque nobis respondendum commisisset, id ad nos extemplo perferre non gravaretur.

Mature tum functo interprete officio suo, Per­sae quoque orator appulit Scutarum, eaque adhuc ipsa die, postquam domum e divano redierat, nos etiam jussit ad se accersiri, et his est verbis alloquutus: Vos quandoquidem magnitudinem principis mei pro pace et pro expeditione vestra tantopere urgetis, ego quoque jam hoc utrumque vobis impetravi, sed non sine maximo labore atque industria, quia et caeteris passis collegis meis insciis, qui ad bellum magis quam ad pacem inclinant, et opera ac favore mulie­rum assidue per tam longum tempus, quo vos hic apud nos habuimus, opperiendo, et inquirendo occa­ [321] 321siones, quibus animum principis mei ab expeditione contra vos facienda, quam omnino molitur et habitu­rus est procul dubio, nisi meum consilium receperi­tis, avocare et ad pacis voluntatem transferre possem. Unum igitur Zygetum est in medio, quod si loco suo non summovebitur, pax quoque memorata nullo pacto componi poterit. Ea enim arx, quum in se ab ini­tio semper haidones et praedones foverit et fovet etiam modo, qui latissime per ejusdem principis mei fines grassantur, nec idem jam illam diutius potest tolerare: decrevit omnino aut bello aut conditioni­bus pacis eradicandam.

Quare Augerio collega vestro hic apud se re­tento dum res tota perducetur ad finem, curam quoque eorum habebit, quae interim occurrerint, vos duos, Ve­rancium et Zay, jubet ad regem vestrum proficisci et referre illi: esse ejus magnitudinis voluntatem, ut primo quoque tempore, deductis ex ea ipsa arce Zy­geth praesidio ac munitionibus, eandem etiam demo­liatur atque disturbet. Missis deinde iterum oratori­bus, et per eos duorum annorum munus honorarium, cujus erat intermissa pensio, sic demum pacem secum perpetuam his conditionibus habiturum, quibus prio­rem habuerat; ea insuper Hungariae parte in sua po­testate retenta, quam modo retineret, cumque his li­mitibus, qui constituentur postea inter suos et regis vestri fines. De munere autem annuo imposterum pen­dendo, quod vult sibi augeri, deque aliis, quae ad ipsam pacem attinebunt, cum iisdem oratoribus, et cum hoc simul, qui hic remanebit, transigetur, nimi­rum si rex vester his conditionibus annuerit.

Nos hisdem conditionibus non contenti, ut quae haud quaquam convenirent cum commissionibus ve­ [322] 322strae majestatis, perturbationem animorum nostrorum non exiguam vultibus demonstravimus, innuentes, et in­dignas et ab aequitate esse alienas; verum antequam ad proposita ejus responderemus quicquam, primum omnium placuit de limitum positione, de quibus fece­rat mentionem, clarius informari, quaerentes occa­sionem, qua nos etiam pari ratione clarius eidem ex­plicaremus, cum alioqui saepius antea declaratum: quosnam et princeps ejus majestati vestrae in Hun­garia limites, promiserat remissa Joannis filio Transsyl­vania, et quibus rationibus memoratam pacem inter ejus principem et majestatem vestram rite fieri op­porteret, quove etiam majestas vestra animo esset acceptura disturbationem Zygethi, interrogavimus: quibusnam locis cujusmodique limites essent posituri. Respondit: Velle suum principem, ut quae majestas vestra de regno Hungariae in sua hoc tempore habe­ret manu, ea libere pacificeque retineret, quae vero ipsee et sui dedititii, ejusdem juris essent, suo pariter nomine tenerentur. Caeterum de limitibus partiendis ac ponendis commissarios visuros, qui utrinque viri boni, primates, et periti rerum ac status regni de­legabuntur in medium.

Ibi nos altero die de duobus, hoc est, de dimis­sione vel cum pace honesta petitaque, vel sine pace, si quae minus aequa ac decora offeretur, juxta man­datum vestrae majestatis solliciti, diximus: longe nos aequiores conditiones ad eam pacem componendam a magnitudine ejus expectasse, quam essent hae, quas nobis proposuerat, alios enim fines majestati vestrae vi sua et rebellium opera adimere, alios per conditio­nes pacis ultro sibi concedi postulare, quid hoc esset aliud, quam manifesta impedimenta eidem paci op­ [323] 323portere, hunc in modum limites majestati vestrae asti­ringere, et fines ejus ditionum sibi patefaciendo et reddendo armis suis obnoxios, rem nimirum contra verbum suum committendo, quod ab inito tractatu pacis memoratae semper hactenus unum illud extiterit; se majestati vestrae eam Hungariae partem, quam tunc possidebat, quae nos huc pacis ejusdem gratia deducebat, permissurum, si Joannis filio Transsylva­niam concessisset; motam itaque majestatem vestram magnitudinis ejus benevolentia atque amicitia, ver­boque ejus maxima fide habita, et oratores suos initio ad eundem misisse pacis gratia, et postea Transsyl­vaniam quoque Joannis filio concessisse, sperans sibi magnitudinis suae verbum, Hungariae ratione datura, non defuturum. Hujusmodi concessio Transsylvaniae, quum per os nostrum publice in divano magnitudini suae fuerit facta, meminisset idem dominus passa, qua­nam ratione, quove tenore verborum illam feceramus, inveniet, quod non alio, quam ut majestati vestrae serenissimae idem ejus princeps liberam pacificamque Hungariae possessionem usque ad limites Transsyl­vaniae permitteret, intra eosdem limites et Gìulam, et Varadinum, et quaecunque alia in illis partibus sunt loca, intelligendo, quae nec tractu Transsylvaniae comprehenduntur, nec unquam ad Transsylvaniam pertinuere, ea vel frater Georgius, vel quicunque alius tenuisset antea. Et quia Transsylvania Pueri nomine petebatur, majestas quoque sua petitionem hanc de sola Transsylvania semper ab initio intel­lexit, quam solam etiam per nos oratores suos, tali protestatone praemissa, restituit, ut nisi vicissim ma­jestatem vestram ejus magnitudo in possessione Hun­gariae ita permitteret, quemadmodum et tunc ei decla­ [324] 324rabamus, et ante saepius declaraveramus, eadem Transsylvaniae concessio, per nos videlicet facta, fru­stranea, invalida atque irrita foret. Caeterum alia nos ne nunc quoque a magnitudine sua postulare, quam ut majestas vestra in hisdem Hungariae limitibus permittatur, qui ei a magnitudine sua fuere promissi. Sic enim majestatem vestram putaturam, pacem me­moratam, ut sibi honestam, et magnitudini suae hone­stissimam futuram. Quam si hunc in modum ejus ma­gnitudo concesserit, ei nos, ut oratores et ministri ve­strae majestatis, subscribemus, sin minus, plane edi­ceremus, nos bis propositis conditionibus non assen­tiri, nec audere etiam eas ad majestatem vestram perferre, quandoquidem expresse jussisset nobis, ut infectis etiam rebus rediremus, si cum integris et promissis ab ejus principe regni limitibus pax non ei concederetur, eaquepropter alterum nos de duobus in­stanter postulare, ut jam tandem, si magnitudo sua pacem velit, aut pacem ipsam expedite faciat, esse enim jam tempus discessus; aut si nolit, id quo que ejus magnitudo expedite facere dignaretur. Ad utrumque nos pro mandato vestrae majestatis esse pa­ratos, nec licere ulli nostrum hic remanere infecta pace, confecta vero etiam jussum esse, ut remaneat unus, qui hic negotiis fungeretur. Fecimus hoc loco etiam de pensione duorum annorum intermissa men­tionem, non oportere magnitudinem ejus esse sollici­tam ipsius pendendae pensionis causa, quam nos ei promisissemus, venturam haud dubie subito, si res pacis juxta et magnitudinis ejus verbum et pro voto vestrae majestatis concluderetur, sin secus, eam nos non polliceri.

[325] 325Hic interloquutus passa, dixit, eam promissionem Hungariae factam quidem esse vestrae majestati a suo principe, et staturum etiam fuisse promissis suis, si tunc Transsylvaniam Joannis filio remisisset, quando petebatur; quia tamen serius eam remiserit, et quidem eo tum, quum jam ipsius eam populi tradiderant, principem quoque suum absolutum fuisse illius tem­poris promisso, et alioqui liberum ei esse semper, de suo agere, quae libeat, nimirum alia dare, alia adi­mere, et subinde possessores etiam ditionum suarum commutare, atque hujusmodi plura, more consueto satis insolenter.

Paucis subjunximus, redire ad remi festinantes: posse quidem magnitudinem suam licite agere cum suis subditis, cum amicis aliam esse tenendam ratio­nem, et regem quidem nostrum esse magnitudinis suae amicum, ac propterea eundem aequam, hone­stamque pacem ab eadem postulare, exigere promissa ut ab amico et confoederato principe. Nec malitiose, aut animo inimico majestatem vestram fecisse, quod serius Transsylvaniam remiserit. Sed fretus fiducia amicitiae, quam se in ejus magnitudine habere exi­stimabat, diutius tentavit, ut eam liberalitate ejus po­tius, quam armis suis retineret, si armis uti voluisset, num totrm eam provinciam tueri contra adversarios suos nequivisset, quibus unica, vel ad summum duae arces restiterunt, donec benignitate majestatis ve­trae jussae sunt deditionem facere. Verum omissis hujusmodi conditionibus, ad quorum finem esset jam perventum, ad Zygetum et ad alia nostri muneris re­diimus, diximusque, petitionem de disturbando Zy­geto, fore majestati vestrae molestissimam, nosque [326] 326plane scire, hanc conditionem majestatem vestram nullo pacto accepturam.

Respondit: si non acceperit, bellum habebit, quod meus princeps quum in Hungariam deduxerit, quo­modo ei et Zygetum et totum reliquum Hungariae resistet, sub cujus potentia terra etiam constremiscat? ideoque timendum illi erit, ne arcis unius causa totum regnum amittat; vos quoque, qui homines prudentes sitis, bene ista perpendite ac perspicite, vestroque regi ita consulite, ut damnum unius arcis tam exiguae maximam jacturam non faciat; et quia vobis data est conficiendae pacis hujus authoritas, cavete ne regi vestro causam belli pariatis, neve pedes illi ante tempus succidatis, et hujusmodi plura.

Respondimus, principem illorum esse sane po­tentissimum, semperque habere facultatem, quum vult, bella suscipere et gerere. Verum nostros etiam prin­cipes tutelae suae et suorum gratia belligerare con­suevisse et scire, amicitiam tamen vestri potius quam inimicitiam semper sinceriter desiderasse et deside­rare etiam nunc, si modo animum ejus perspectum habeat, caeterum alia nos non posse agere, quam quae nobis sunt commissa, et sciamus esse majestati ve­strae tum commoda, tum honesta; eaque causa nisi op­tatiora nobis tam de Zygeto, quam de Hungariae memoratis limitibus idem passa protulisset, redituros quidem nos ad majestatem vestram, sed de propositis conditionibus nihil relaturos, nisi tantum, quod infecta pace rediissemus, optantes; ut hac ratione omnes tres simul abire paterentur.

Respondit: optatiores conditiones dari nobis non posse, caeterum postquam nos his ipsis jam oblatis conditionibus eodem loci subscribere et assentiri non [327] 327vellemus nec possemus, ut saltem duo nos, Veran­cius et Zay, eas ad majestatem vestram perferremus et eandam de voluntate principis sui edoceremus.

Qui nec hoc ipsum quoque adeo facile suscipe­re volentes, quum diceremus, esse illi peculiares ho­mines, qui ejusmodi res ad ejus principem pertinentes possint ad majestatem vestram deferre, curantibus ea duntaxat nobis, quae vellemus solida fieri, et non dilationibus involuta, ac ne speciem quidem revera futurae pacis habentia:

Subjecit, idque non semel, sed saepius, secus nequire fieri, quam ut dictas conditiones ad majesta­tem vestram perferremus; sic majestati vestrae com­modius futurum, sic velle suum principem, qui omnino antequam quicquam secus agat, cuperet intelli­gere, quid sit majestas vestra ad easdem conditiones responsura.

Tum nos, visa passae de hoc pertinacia, haesi­mus aliquantulum, quasi cogitabundi, quidnam in re tanta, tamque improvisa essemus acturi, durum enim erat, quod objecerat, nec se ratio ulla certa exhibe­bat, qua subito deliberari posset, praesertim quod cum dexteritate nobis agendum cum furioso et inso­lenti foret; volentesque eotum, omissa interim conten­tione de Zygeto, ad alia quae restabant particularia descendere, (uti ad majestatem vestram non ita pri­dem scripseramus) rupit colloquium, nosque ab se di­misit, dicens: postea se plura nobiscum loquuturum, quum alioqui satis multa etiam eo congressu transe­gissemus cum ilio, sed tantum de Zygeto, in quo tangi nolebamus, et de limitibus generaliter; venit­que ea nobis dilatio peroptata, quia perspecta hunc in modum ultima ejus principis voluntate, et quasi [328] 328formula eorum, cum quibus erat nos dimissurus, me­lius nos praeparavimus ad ea, quae postremo agere et concludere debebamus.

Die itaque postmodum octava ejusdem Augusti jussit nos accersiri, ubi interrogatis nobis, quid de­crevissemus de his, quae paulo ante proposuerat, re­spondimus de Zygeto et de limitibus a principe suo majestati vestrae promissis, ea ipsa quae prius, quum alia sententia esse non possemus, nisi si mandatis vestrae majestatis contrarium agere vellemus; verum quandoquidem ita fuisset principi suo constitutum, ut nos duo, Verancius et Zay, ad majestatem vestram re­diremus, eam de propositis ad finem conditionibus pacis hujusmodi edocturi, id quidem nos facturos, re­stare tamen adhuc nobis plura, quae huc faciunt, et de quibus cognoscere nos oporteret, quo plenius de tota re majestatem vestram possemus informare, igi­tur eundem passam interrogavimus, quid de Grywla, de Varadino et de aliis locis in eadem regni Hunga­riae parte constitias, et intra praefatos limites maje­stati vestrae promissos, comprehensis responderet nobis? nos enim antea etiam egisse pro hisdem locis summa diligentia, agereque etiam modo, quandoqui­dem eis majestas vestra nollet privari, et par esset, ut eidem vestrae majestati pacifice permitterentur juxta ejusdem ipsius promissa principis, quae illi fe­cit, quum eandem de possessione Hungariae assecura­vit, si Transsylvaniam Joannis filio concessisset; nunc enim intercepto contra omne jus ac fas induciarum Varadino, Giulam quoque adversarii ejusdem cum auxiliis ipsius principis dicantur velle oppugnare, quum simili modo arcem etiam Hwzt interceperint, nulla ratione vel induciarum habita, vel verbi ipsius [329] 329principia, quo omnes regnorum ac provinciarum ve­strae majestatis fines eo usque securos fecerit, donec de memorata pace transactum foret.

Respondit: omnium hujusmodi locorum interce­ptionem et disturbiorum, quae post adventum no­strum ad eorum portam exorta sunt, causam a vestrae majestatis finitimis processisse, et justo bello acta ab eis fuisse omnia, quum interim et finitimi vestrae ma­jestatis paria facere, ubicunque et quandocunque po­tuerunt, non praetermiserint; ideo quae majestas ve­stra per id tempus amisisset, amissa putaret; alioqui principem suum ea nequaquam concedere aut con­cessurum; quaecunque vel in Hungaria, vel in Trans­sylvania Joannis filii nomine possessa antea fuissent, ea ipsa velle etiam imposterum sui juris ac potesta­tis censeri et esse.

Subjunximus: ubi igitur promissa ejus principis, quae majestati vestrae fecit, locum sint habitura, si hisdem promissis obtenta ab eadem majestate vestra Transsylvania, illi etiam Hungaria adimatur, quae Iota erat in promissis secundum cas partes ejus, quas in sua potestate habebat, quum nos cum hac legatione in Turciam expediverat.

Respondit paucis: actum esse de his, nosque frustra conari ac verba facere, et majestatem vestram ea jam parte contentari debere, quam illi princeps ejus concessisset, quum eam etiam negare constitue­rat, nisi ipse cum mulieribus sese apud eum pro ma­jestate vestra interposuisset.

Tum nos et de arce Hwzt et de rebellium bo­nis quid agendum foret, quaesivimus, nam et Hwzt alieno tempore, in magnam injuriam quum inducia­rum, tum ipsius ejus principis ignominiam verbi, rap­ [330] 330tum esse, et rebellium ditiones sive bona non debere simili ratione a jure majestatis vestrae rescindi et abalienari, quocunque rebelles ipsi a fide vestrae ma­jestatis excidere voluissent; regnum esse vestrae ma­jestatis, et pro improbis atque infidelibus semper posse probos et fideles reponere.

Respondit: idem principem suum de re rebel­lium sentire ac velle, quae de aliis ad Joannis filium pertinentibus; neminem praeterea eundem principem ab se rejicere et indefensum relinquere solere, qui­cunque ad eum, et ad tutelam ejus sese contulissent; propterea nec de bis quoque loqui nos oportere, ea nunquam principem suum vestrae majestati redditu­rum, pro quibus instaremus, nisi si praeter morem majorum suorum agere velit.

Venimus post haec ad Monkacz, meminisset, inquientes, arcem illam non bello fuisse captam, sed per compositionem Petro Petrowyth traditam in permutatione Transsylvania e et Temeswari, cum re­gina atque ejus filio transacta, eaque causa suadere omnem et divinam et humanam aequitatem, ut post­quam majestas vestra principi ejus de Transsylvania gratifacata libens fuisset, eidem restitueretur.

Subjunxit: non satis sibi constare statum cau­sae arcis Monkacz, egisse nos de hoc cum Ahmat passa, verum cum alios oratores majestas vestra mi­serit pro concludenda pace, illum per eos informabit, et tunc quicquid erit aequitatis et justitiae de ipsa arce transigetur, quanquam alioqui nesciret, quonam pacto reddi possit, si quum Petro Petrowyth pro The­mesvaro fuerit data, nec Themesvarum idem Petro­wyth cepit a vestra majestate, sed princeps ejus, tamquam arcem suam, quae male majestati vestrae [331] 331tradita fuerat: nullam culpam in Petrowyth conjici, et consequenter neque arcem ipsam Monkacz ab ipso repeti posse; verum de hoc etiam postea erit agendi tempus, vos tantum cum his ad regem vestrum pro­peretis, et curetis, ut intellecta principis sui de pace voluntate, quam citissime fieri poterit, eidem renun­ciet, quicquid animi ad ipsam pacem habuerit.

Nos hoc loco, etsi omnia, quae cum Petrowyth in collatione arcis Monkacz acta sint, exposuissemus, declarato insuper et chirographo ejus fidei, qua se majestati vestrae in perpetuum obstrinxerat, jus ejusdem majestatis vestrae super arce illa defen­dentes, nihil effecimus, rem passa in aliud tem­pus differente; et sic responsum ei ad alia facturi, diximus: in proficiscendo ad majestatem vestram nul­lam nos moram commissuros, caeterum jam nunc plane nos videre, uti et coram fateremur illi, quem sit ex con­ditionibus animum majestas vestra habitura, quum nullam agnosceremus talem, ad quam posset acce­dere; quum astricta majestate vestra in tam exili por­tione regni, quae quasi pugno comprehendi quiret, et annum munus honorarium princeps ejus augeri sibi postulat, et duorum annorum exigit intermissa, velit­que prius ea ad suam portam mitti, quam de pace transigatur; propterea nescire sane nos, quomodo hoc utrumque fieri possit, quum majestas vestra et an­nuum minui potius cogatur, quam adaugeri, ditioni­bus suis regni Hungariae diminutis, et intermissa non ante mittere, quam confecta et pronunciata pace. Di­ximus etiam, eadem munera intermissa non ex debito sed ex benevolentia fuisse ejus principi promissa, quum jure belli, per Aly passam moti, fuissent re­tenta, cupida nimirum vestra majestate, hoc etiam stu­ [332] 332ditim ipsius amicitiae eidem declaratum esse. Sed ad haec nec aurem adhibuit dummodo illis largiatur, respondit tantum: quod quia ea etiam pax, quae ma­jestati vestrae polliceretur, aegre fuisset impetrata, necessum esse munera intermissa praemittere mature, quo idem scilicet passa habeat firmum argumentum, liberius et solidius apud principem suum de ipsa pace agere et perficere, alioqui vereri se, frustratum iri, si hanc occasionem majestas vestra praetermisisset.

Cui nos, quum videbamur nihil proficere, alia non respondimus, quam quod de his majestas vestra visura esset.

Caeterum ubi idem passa de perpetua pace fe­cisset mentionem, de hoc quoque interrogavimus, quonam pacto nos perpetuitatem illam oporteret in­telligere; respondit: durante vita vel majestatis ve­strae, vel sui principis, et quousque causa aliqua a majestate vestra non porrigeretur belli; similiter si placuisset vestrae majestati, tempus brevius praefi­gere, id ejus principem vestrae majestatis arbitrio relinquere, adjiciens: sic eam servaturum, ut quam vel cum Gallo, vel Venetis haberet.

Tum nos hoc animo principis ejus laudato, de Giula iterum, et de Cassovia, de qua nondum fecera­mus mentionem, institueramus sermonem, verum in­terpres Hungarus, Ferhat nomine, inhibuit nos, ne de his loqueremur, quae adhuc in manu essent vestrae majestatis, postquam in oblatis conditionibus habere­tur, ut majestas vestra retineret, quae possideret in praesentia; sic omissa consulto commemoratione Cas­soviae isthac de causa, quum alioqui longius etiam esset a Transsylvaniae finibus constituta, qui versa­rentur in controversia, de Giula non reticuimus, ad­ [333] 333nitentes efficere, ne ab adversariis vexaretur, sed pa­cifica, liberaque (uti erat in manu vestrae majestatis,) eidem simul cum jure et facultate recuperandi cae­tera, postquam non restituerentur ultro, relinquere­tur eadem; ad haec respondit, quae ante loquutus fuerat, nequire prorsus fieri pro quibus instaremus. Sic consumpta concertatione hujusmodi circa particu­laria, vicissim ei alia proponendo, alia respondendo, exigentes aequiora, ad postremum nihil praeterea ob­tinere potuimus, quam quae initio pronunciaverat, nulla etiam facta spe, significatione apparenti, quod ad alia idem ejus princeps induci possit, idque pro hoc colloquii tempore, quia postmodum attigit quid­dam de Zygeto, uti loco suo dicemus, quo ostendit in­exorabilem suum principem non fore.

At nos perspecta tunc ejusdem principis ipsius obstinatione, in bis duntaxat et iniquis et parum ho­nestis conditionibus fixa, quas passa nobis proposue­rat, etsi solita constantia erat in animo, illi refra­gandi et obsistendi, quemadmodum aliis in rebus hac­tenus pro mandato faceramus, tempus extrahendo, donec eos ad aequiora deduceremus: quia tamen jam non semel passa Hruztanus edixerat nobis, ibidem nos diutius adhuc mansionem habituros, quandocun­que cum his ad majestatem vestram proficisci recu­saremus; quare veriti in errorem aliquem incidere, fierique novae cuipiam molestiae causa vestrae ma­jestati, quae jam strictissime mandaverat, ut re etiam infecta rediremus: totis viribus in eam petitionem in­cubuimus, ut omnes très dimitteremur, postquam nec propositae conditiones essent convenientes paci, nec speraremus meliores. Passa igitur ubi dixit, nequire fieri, ut rediremus omnes, principem enim decre­ [334] 334visse, ut duo remmittantur retento tertio, nos quoque Verancius et Zay primum qui dimittebamur, uti jam ante consultaveramus, quid ad ultimum facto opus erit nobis, si res hunc in finem desiisset, eundem passam alloquuti, diximus, quod nos ad majestatem vestram redituri, de mandato quidem ejus rediremus caeterum caventes, ne et ipsis vanam aliquam spem re­linqueremus, easdem conditiones, praesertim de Zy­geto et de astrictione limitum posse fieri ut apud majestatem vestram locum obtineant, et ad eandem vento leviora deferremus, unde et honoris nostri et gratiae vestrae majestatis jacturam facere possemus, eidem passae protestari nos, quod haud dubie scire­mus, eas conditiones majestatem vestram non accep­turam, ut ab honore et existimatione ejusdem alienas, quodque nos nec hisdem conditionibus annuissemus, nec eos de voluntate nostra, sed de mandato ejus principis ad majestatem vestram essemus perlaturi.

Simili modo magnificus dominus Augerius, col­lega noster, pari protestatione usus, dixit: sibi displi­cere quod sic eum a nobis dividerent pace pendente, et adhuc incerta, idque omnino et expresse fieri contra mandatum vestrae majestatis, quum confecta ipsa pace, non esset detrectaturus hoc officium ut imposi­tum atque injunctum; quapropter, si optatiores con­ditiones proponere nobis princeps ejus noluisset, se quoque cum collegis absolutam dimissionem postu­lare. Sin minus, iterum atque iterum protestari, ibi se non aliter remansurum quam coacte et praeter omnem majestatis vestrae voluntatem, nihil interim a collegis dissidendo, quaecunque fuissent caetera.

Passa his protestationibus auditis, quas hunc in modum consulto bifariam feceramus, etsi perturbari [335] 335nonnihil videbatur, comiter tamen, familiariterque primum magnificum dominum Augerium, collegam nostrum, cohorratus est, ne gravaretur ibidem rema­nere tantisper, dum a majestate vestra responsum af­ferretur, deinde etiam nos duos, ut praeterea non exi­geremus alia, sed maturaremus vestram majestatem edocere de hujusmodi voluntate principis ad pacem, quemadmodum et ante ad majestatem vestram scri­pseramus, et superbis commemoravimus, eidem interim domino Augerio promissa omni libertate et tracta­tione non honesta et amica solum sed etiam fraterna, subjungens: oportere imprimis omnino de bis majesta­tem vestram cognoscere, mentemque suam ejus prin­cipi atque illi primo quoque tempore declarare; nos­que hujusmodi necessitate adducti eidem paruimus, et eotum his completis ordine hic expresso, discessi­mus ab ipso, vixque hospitium ingressi, subsequuta sunt nos a principe dona, vestes et non multae pecu­niae, passa Hruztano nunciante, postridie nos ipsos quoque expeditionem habituros.

Postero itaque die, uti nunciaverat passa, in di­vanum deducti, eadem quae privatim apud Hruzta­num passam egeramus, ibidem coram omnibus rete­xuimus, ansam praebente ipso Hruztano, novaque jam cum omnibus passis contentione inita, non solum su­periorem de Zygeto, sed etiam de caeteris particulari­bus. Verum aeque frustra conati sumus, atque cum solo Hruztano, in unam enim eam ipsam sententiam dudum consenserant, ut et Zygetum disturbaretur, et ad caetera nihil pro nostro voto ibidem quoque pu­blice responderetur nobis, ut neque Hruztanus passa domi suae responderat.

[336] 336Atque his in hunc modum sese habentibus, ibi­dem quoque eadem protestati sumus, quae ante apud solum Hruztanum protestati fueramus, idque solen­nius aliquanto propter locum et personas, rogatis in fine, ut si fieri posset, gratiora vestrae majestati et de Zygeto et de aliis particularibus nunciarent, ne omnino et majestati vestrae et ipsorum principi qua­drienne hoc legationis nostrae tempus sine fructu suc­cessisset.

Tum Hruztanus passa: si, inquit, adeo grave erit vestro regi Zygetum demoliri ac omnino tolli, quae est arx exigua, et majorum multo impensarum causa, quam emolumenti, admonete ipsum regem vestrum, ut inveniat aliquem modum ac rationem, qua prin­ceps noster induci possit ad eam illi incolumem per­mittendam. Quae quum ab interprete intellexissemus, non exigua sane laetitia, eoque etiam majore affecti sumus, quod insperata. Verum dubii, sic fuisse pas­sam locutum, interpretem, antequam responderemus passae, quaesivimus: quomodo hoc dictum passae in­telligendum foret? De largitione, respondit; quod no­bis plurimum placuit, verum dum solidius consequi ab interprete contendimus, nec subito respondemus passae Hruztano: nequaquam, subjunxit Aly passa, sed prorsus deleatur. Hanc esse principis voluntatem, hoc decretum, nec pacem ullo modo posse fieri, arce illa incolumi.

Magis tunc nos ambigui, revera ne Hruztanus passa verba illa protulisset, an interpres assentari nobis voluisset, quod et Aly passa tam valide, con­festim, manifesteque Hruztano restiterat, et ab eo­dem Hruztano, quum apud eum fueramus, minime hu­jusmodi attactum erat, languide credidimus, at credi­ [337] 337dimus nonnihil tamen, quia dubium non est, ipsum Hruztanum cum suis mulieribus omne genus belli longinqui aversari, pacem vero cum majestate vestra, quantum jam postremo perspicere potuimus, studiose etiam procurare, spe promissi praemii aureorum vide­licet XXM. quandoquidem dum loqueremur privatim cum eo simul, non praefermisit obiter nos primum in­terrogare: an meminissemus promissorum, deinde etiam committere, ne quid de bis cum caeteris passis attingeremus, quae liberius nobiscum contulisset; qua etiam de causa summoto hac ultima actione inter­prete Ibraino, cujus semper ad hoc tempus usi era­mus opera ob latinam linguam, Ferhatum Hungarum adhibuerat, cui magis privata sua confidit, quam al­teri; unde idem etiam Ferhat aliquoties nobis et tunc et prius affirmaverat, malle Hruztanum XX. dentes ex bucca amittere, quam promissa XXM. aureorum non recipere; quare ipsum passam hoc dixisse utique credidimus, cessavimusque eos praeterea tam de hoc quam de aliis negatis stimulare, primum, quod frustra conabamur, deinde, ne si animadvertissent, nimis nos hoc verbum avide arripuisse, denuo nobis malignita­tem aliquam objecissent; quum demum sic loquuto ve­hementiore spiritu Aly passa, Hruztanus postmodum non adjecit verbum, simulque et ipsis et nobis in si­lentium nonnihil fixis, surrexerunt, nosque ad princi­pem induxere, cui pro more manibus osculatis, passa etiam Hruztanus demonstravit, qui ex nobis apud ejus magnitudinem esset remansurus, quive ad ma­jestatem vestram redituri, nullumque ibidem permissi verbum facere, exivimus.

Caeterum exposito hujus actionis nostrae toto suo progressu ab initio ipso ad finem, jam loca ejus quae­ [338] 338dam percurremus, quae tenui nostro ingenio conside­randa esse judicavimus. Igitur quae nobis passa Hruztanus in divano proposuerat, restare adhuc Zy­geto gratiam, res ejusmodi est, de qua non audemus solide quicquam affirmare, verum quia inter ipsum Hruztanum et Aly passam maxima simultas haeret, quod hic etiam satis sit apud principem gratiosus, quumque et ille paci studeat, et hic bellum videtur velle, accommodando sese comice principi, plurimum vereatur paci nostrae palam favere: ideo opinamur, quod de industria sic obiter, et quodam tumultuario modo nos voluerit commonefacere, posse adhuc Zyge­tum superesse, ne omnino desperatum de eo credere­mus, resque ad bellum manifeste inclinare incepisset. Potuit tamen illud etiam subesse, quod id artificiose nobis insinuarint ea causa, ut consulerent partim fa­stui et existimationi sui principis, partim ut difficul­tate nobis de impetratione dictae arcis inculcata et prope persuasa, ad majorem aliquam vel temporarii muneris additionem, vel ordinarii pensionem, sic re ejusdem arcis ad no vas petitiones et promissiones largiores, ne dirueretur, dilata,[2] de quo tamen latius postea majestas vestra poterit consultare.

Habent considerationem etiam protestationes no­strae dupplicem: ne enim et magnificus dominus Auge­rius, qui remansit, et nos qui reversi sumus, hoc utrum­que temere visi fuissemus fecisse, postquam sic ab eo principe prope cogebamur facere, neve idem dominus Augerius ullo tempore imposterum incurrisset hostium quampiam calumniam, quod vel pro nobis duobus, Ve­rancio et Zay, vel pro Joanne Maria. Malvesio esset obses, quos saepe etiam antea omnes simul vexare [339] 339non erubuerunt; deinde, ut majestati vestrae semper liberum, esset occasionibus sese offerentibus, Trans­sylvaniam denuo jure legitimo recipere, quandoqui­dem princeps ille, obtenta a majestate vestra pro Joannis filio Transsylvania, verbo suo de promissa ob id eidem Hungaria cum limitibus saepe jam nomi­natis, non steterit, si non steterit; idque juxta hujus ipsius quoque pacti protestationem, qua irritam ces­sionem nostram prorsus fecerimus, si memorata pro­missa non servasset.

Illud autem, ut majestas vestra libere possideat in regno Hungariae, quae modo possidet, itane sin­cere intelligendum sit, ut dictum est, an secus, nos certe dubitavimus, quum limites inter se et majesta­tem vestram sic vellent ponere, ut qui coloni in utrisque finibus cesserint, suorum duntaxat limitum dominis, quique integros proventus ac census pen­dant,[3] quod quam firmiter majestas vestra, ne fiat, pro­hibuerit, in memoria semper habuimus, et ad hoc us­que tempus id fieri posse constanter negavimus. De re tamen hujusmodi nullam nobis hac actione men­tionem fecerunt, saepe tamen antea etiam contende­runt nobiscum, secum stabilem ac diuturnam pacem minime futuram, quod finitimi nunc etiam palam edi­cunt, et clamitant, ita pacem fieri oportere non aliter, quum secus nunquam desolationes poterunt reparari; nos, quae ad haec ubique illis responderimus, prae­terimus modo, ut brevitati consulamus, verum quum legimus principis ejus lit erarum ad majestatem ve­stram traductionem, nec aliam in illis reperimus men­tionem, quam de solo Zygeto disturbando, interroga­vimus passam: cur in eis non curavit adscribendum, [340] 340quae oretenus nobis dixerat, nimirum de hoc ipso, ut quae majestas vestra nunc in Hungaria possideret, imposterum etiam possideat, et de duorum annorum intermissis muneribus honorariis; respondit: princi­pem suum id solum litteris suis voluisse exprimere, circa quod potissimum pacis negotium versaretur, reliqua oratoribus committi solere, ut fide publica praeditis; ideo satis futurum, quum ex nobis majestas vestra illa acceperit; nos enim omnino volebamus, ut etiam isthaec ascriberentur, sed noluit, quum ne ejus quoque litteras ad majestatem vestram impetrare po­tuerimus; dicebat enim, morem illis non esse, ut captivo­rum litterae domini litteras comitarentur: sic desiimus.

Et jam si majestas vestra jubet nos dicere, quid de ista pace, quae offertur, inpraesentia vel judice­mus vel sentiamus, ut qui multa apud hostem et au­diverimus et viderimus, diu sane per eos dies, qui­bus in hoc tractatu versati sumus, nobiscum agitavi­mus, hanc ipsam pacem reverane idem hostis velit an secus, quum quae intra hoc tempus advenisset fama ea non incerta de Victoria serenissimi Philippi regis tam in Galliis, quam in Italia habita, et quod summus pontifex ac rex Galliarum cum eodem essent de stabili pace tractaturi, summaque celeritate Galli orator ad re­gem suum fuisset expeditus, Persae quoque superve­nit legatus, per quem, uti ab interprete Hungaro, at­que ab aliis etiam fide dignis hominibus accepimus, commercia primum mutua utrorumque populorum, deinde loca quaedam munita in majore Armenia, li­mitumque positionem in utriusque finibus, et demum, ut filio suo sangziacatum Babiloniae concederet, po­stulaverat, hisque concessis sibi, pacem ex se, et fir­ [341] 341mam et stabilem offerebat, sin minus, aliud se de dicta, pace cogitaturum denunciarat.

Supervenientibus ad haec a majestate etiam ve­stra de dimissione nostra litteris, postquam de pace nihil fieret, atque hinc et inde crebris nunciis de ejus­dem pro hoc anno bellicis apparatibus, maximum ex utroque stimulum fertur habuisse de dimittendis qui­buspiam aut quopiam ex nobis cum expeditione qua­licunque, dummodo expediret; hisque omnibus in cu­mulum collectis, et potissimum de periculis suis ex periculis Galli sollicitus, ne a societate sua recideret, raptim atque uno tempore et Gallum oratorem ad suum regem, et nos ad majestatem vestram, non sine latenti quopiam artificio, expedivit, nimirum offerendo regi Galliarum mare et montes, et horrentia duo bella, terrestre et maritimum, auxilio contra commu­nes hostes ad futurum annum, ne cum eis in gratiam rediret, vestrae vero majestati pacem nec sinceram, nec satis decoris, utilibusque conditionibus praeditam, hoc autem eo consilio, quemadmodum pluribus ex locis habuimus, ut et hoc reliquum instantis anni tempus expeditione dictae pacis sine bello, ad quod imparatus erat, transigeret, et interim per hiemem explorato, perspectoque erga se animo Galli, cogno­sceret demum, quid imposterum de pace cum majestate vestra perficere debuisset. Nam si ipsum Gallum vi­derit piane ab sua societate ad saniora consilia re­versurum, haud dubie sperandam esse ab eodem cum melioribus conditionibus pacem, sin evenerit secus, et placebit Gallo Turcae pollicitatio, dubitandum est, ne has quoque in praesentia oblatas incipiat revocare, Galli amici erga se voluntate et constantia fretus; et hac quidem sententia, non solum sumus nos duo, [342] 342sed nobiscum etiam collega noster magnificus domi­nus Augerius est, et ii omnes, quos fortunae ac ma­gnitudini vestrarum majestatum favere, studereque cognovimus; quum enim hoc tempore non pauca, uti jam saepe scripsimus, concurrant, quae praefatum principem hostem nostrum vereri, et sedere domi cum parta opinione potentiae, hostesque tantum apparati­bus suis territando, ut fecit proximum quadriennium,[4]cum ea sola certe jactura plurimum demittet audaciae, si quo casu Galli fiducia privabitur; quod quidem unicum instrumentum ad pessumdandam christiano­rum principum et statuum unitatem nullo non impen­dio, nulla non molestia servandum sibi quam diutis­sime fieri potuerit, constitutum habet, de quo alioqui, quia ex divina providentia majestatum vestrarum cura est, loqui nos desinimus.

Et quod postremum hujus actionis erit, plura alia et varia sunt, quae dum cum passis ageremus occurrere. Haec tamen ad summam collegimus, quo majestati vestrae totam rem in unum veluti corpus congestum exhiberemus, veniam supplices postulan­tes, si quid commisissemus, quod vestrae majestati non probaretur, uti non dubitamus commisisse nos, et inutiles servos fuisse, homines enim sumus, iique pa­rum sane ad hujusmodi reipublicae munia idonei, ve­rum quum semel assumptae provinciae nec fide, nec vigilantia, nec studiis nostris, quantum fuit in nobis, defuimus, reliqua omnia, quae praestitimus, ex gratia vestrae majestatis, etsi eidem placuerint, metimur, ex­hibentes nos imposterum quoque vestrae majestati ad omne genus servitutis cum majoribus etiam vitae no­strae periculis, quam fuit haec, cui nos pro suo sa­ [343] 343pientissimo consilio benigne adhibendos esse judi­caverit.

His adjicimus duo; passa euim Hruztanus ter no­bis privatim ad se accersitis, postquam eramus omnino expediti, nec jam quicquam negotii nos habituros spe­rabamus, identidem duo memorata inculcavit. Alte­rum: ut summo studio ejus nomine cum majestate ve­stra ageremus, quatuor quosdam captivos, partim ad Zygetum, partim in aliis locis captos, vellet ob re­spectum suae amicitiae liberos facere et illi remit­tere, gratificaturum se hac re suo etiam principi non mediocriter, quod captivi memorati primatum quorum­dam suae aulae essent mancipia. Alterum: ut eandem, quam diligentissime sciremus ac possemus, oraremus, sic sibi de accipiendis praesentibus conditionibus pa­cis faciundum esse constitueret, et tale responsum principi suo daret, quo nec apud eundem principem suum, nec apud reliquos passas, vezirios collegas suos, erubesceret, si imposterum quoque, quoties aliis de rebus vestrae majestatis curam gesserit, patrocinia sua apud eundem principem suum habeant locum[.] Nos itaque majestati vestrae hac petitione Hruztani passae exposita, reliquas etiam ejus instantias exequi accuratius supervacaneum esse duximus, quum quod erit in his vestrae majestati faciendum, solus ejus no­vit prudentissimum consilium. Verum ut est alterum deliberationis difficillimae, ita quod ad alterum atti­net, ingratis et insolentibus hostibus hoc amicitiae genere gratificari judicamus non oportere gratuito, quum prorsus et damnosum et frustraneum foret, sit­que vel Karahamzabegus argumento, pro quo nec re­latae sunt ullae gratiae nec habitae, et insuper quod est indignius habendum, mox denuo potentiorem, et [344] 344nostrarum rerum peritiorem, in fines nostros diris ar­matura immiserunt, quo apud nos in capti vitate ac­cepta incommoda ulcisceretur. Id quod jam adeo praestat sedulo, ut hostilium praesidum sive zang­ziacorum habeamus molestiorem nullum, nullum ma­gìa perfidum et inquietum. De nominibus autem ca­ptivorum, et cujusmodi hominum fuerunt mancipia, postea reddemus rationem, quum majestas vestra mandabit.

Fußnoten

[1] Kimaradt, úgy látszik, „agere,“ vagy más rokou értelmű szó.

[2] Kimaradt, úgy látszik, egy ige.

[3] A szöv eg e helyütt is kissé roncsolt.

[4] Itt is kimaradt egy szó.

[109]

LXXXVI. Vrančić× i Zay kralju Ferdinandu, sv. 4, str. 300–344.

Sažeti pregled posljednjih aktivnosti prvoga carigradskog poslanstva iz kolovoza 1557. godine

Sažetak uspjeha posljednjih aktivnosti poslanika Antuna Vrančića×, Ferenca Zaya i Ogiera de Busbecqa[1] kod turskog sultana Sulejmana. Kolovoz 1557. godine.

Presvetomu Kraljevskom Veličanstvu i svomu Premilostivom Gospodaru!

Nas dvojica, presveti i prejasni kralju, Antun Vrančić× i Ferenc Zay, na povratku želimo izložiti Vašem Veličanstvu ono što smo, zajedno sa svojim kolegom, magistrom Ogierom de Busbecqom, postigli za vrijeme našega posljednjeg diplomatskog poslanstva kod turskog sultana Sulejmana i njegovih paša. U ovom ćemo dopisu iznijeti sve pojedinosti, i to redom, kako bi Vaše Veličanstvo to potpunije i lakše [110] shvatilo nego da mu se priopćuje usmeno. Naše su aktivnosti nailazile na mnoge poteškoće i neslaganja. Stoga valja pomno izložiti njihov tijek.

Budući da je turski vladar prošlog lipnja iz Edirnea bio došao u Carigrad, neprestano smo vodili brigu o tome da bez ikakva otezanja izvršimo ono što nam je Vaše Veličanstvo naložilo po svome pismonoši Mihaelu Molnaru. Prošla su, naime, već četiri mjeseca od dolaska pismonoše, a još ništa nismo učinili. Plašili smo se da se našoj nemarnosti ne pripiše to što su paše stalno odugovlačili na svoju korist, a na štetu Vašeg Veličanstva. Kako bismo to što prije dovršili, a i ne mogavši više zatvarati oči pred izvršenjem zahtjeva koji su pred nas postavljeni, najprije smo zatražili primanje kod Rustem-paše da bismo, kao što i priliči dužnosti poslanika, njemu i njegovu vladaru čestitali na sretnom povratku. U međuvremenu smo odlučili podsjetiti ga na poslove koje smo uspješno započeli i koje bismo, sukladno s dobivenim naputcima, svim silama željeli zaključiti. Kada su napokon 9. lipnja stigla tridesetdvojica uglednijih javnih tumača, poslao je k nama Poljaka Ibrahima i Mađara Ferhada. Nastojeći na početku doznati (što je bilo posve očevidno) nešto o našoj zadaći, na koncu su kazali kako je paša poručio da se ne moramo truditi doći do njega jer nas on uvijek čeka otvorenih vrata. Ako želimo razgovarati o nečemu novome, neka mu to javimo; ako ne, uzalud mu dolazimo sa starim pitanjima koje su oni već odavno temeljito raspravili.

Nije nam bilo teško dokučiti kamo sve to smjera i kako bi stvar mogla završiti kada bismo ono što s Rustem-pašom moramo privatno riješiti, riješili javno pred svima ostalima a da on to ne dozna od nas i od naših ljudi, već od posrednika i njihovih ljudi. Stoga smo paši odgovorili da na temelju posljednjih pisama koje je poslalo Vaše Veličanstvo može zaključiti kako smo mi isti poslanici koji smo pregovarali otpočetka te kako tijekom pregovora o ovome miru radimo jednako kao i dosad. Zato smo poslani k Njegovoj Visosti sultanu i njihovim gospodstvima pašama i vezirima koje predvodi sam Rustem-paša. Stoga molimo da nas odvedu k pašama da nas saslušaju oni, a ne posrednici.

Činilo se kako mu tako trebamo odgovoriti jer nam je prije dolaska Mihaela Molnara često govorio da smo mi stari poslanici i da više nemamo nikakvih važnih ovlaštenja. Stoga bi Vaše Veličanstvo trebalo [111] odaslati nekog drugog poslanika i po njemu poslati ovlaštenja koja bi bila prikladnija za sklapanje mirovnog sporazuma.

Idućeg dana, koji je bio 10. lipnja, paša nas je uslišio i privatno pozvao k sebi. Pošto smo mu službeno zahvalili, ukratko smo mu rekli sljedeće: „Budući da je Vaše Gospodstvo pročitalo ono što nam je bilo napisalo Njegovo Veličanstvo, držimo da to ne treba ponavljati. Njegovo Veličanstvo u svojim pismima želi dati do znanja samo dvije stvari: prvo, da želi sklopiti mir i prijateljstvo s Vašim vladarom sada jednako kao i prije četiri godine, i drugo, da je Njegovo Veličanstvo odobrilo, pohvalilo i potvrdilo sve ono što smo tada bili isposlovali kod turskog vladara te da to činimo i dalje sve dok se čitava stvar uspješno ne okonča.“ Glede sklapanja mirovnog sporazuma, rekli smo mu kako smo im na koncu prilično opširno obrazložili da, onoliko koliko se to tiče Vašeg Veličanstva, mir treba biti častan i prihvatljiv za obje strane, no dosad od njih nismo dobili nikakva odgovora. Sada nam je napokon naloženo da se pobrinemo za to da nam se odgovori. Usto smo dodali i nešto o povjerenju koje Vaše Veličanstvo ima u pašu te mu još podrobnije objasnili da čitava stvar ovisi o njemu i da se od njega očekuje ono što bi se očekivalo od čovjeka koji je pristao uz našu stvar. Ukratko, nismo propustili kazati ništa od onoga što je korisno za našu stvar i nepokolebljivo promicanje naših interesa.

Paša je na to, s blagim izrazom lica i ni najmanje uznemireno, odgovorio da je ovo doista rečeno kratko i na brzinu. Naime, već na početku sastanka bio nas je upozorio na to da budemo što kraći jer, nakon što nas sasluša, mora obaviti neki težak posao i stoga se s nama ne može dugo zadržati. Što se, pak, tiče onoga zbog čega smo došli, dao je znakovitu napomenu o tome kako stoje stvari. Rekao je da nam je već davno, ako se sjećamo, odgovorio kako njihov vladar u Ugarskoj neće ustupiti Vašem Veličanstvu ništa od onoga što je pripadalo Budimu u vrijeme kada je kraljevstvo još bilo čitavo. Stoga neka se odsad nadalje prestanemo brinuti o Ugarskoj i neka razgovaramo samo o stvarima koje se tiču Austrije, Moravske i drugih pokrajina Vašeg Veličanstva koje su u ugarskom susjedstvu ako želimo uživati u miru i njihovu prijateljstvu. Ako mu u sklopu ove diplomatske misije na to damo odgovor koji je dostojan njihova povjerenja i naše dužnosti te ako to naši prijedlozi [112] zavrijede, on neće štedjeti snage da učini sve što je u njegovoj moći, i to bez ikakve skrivene zle namjere. On se, osim toga, ne čudi što je Nijemac Ogier učinio vrlo velike i hrabre stvari na korist Vašeg Veličanstva, dok su ostala dvojica njegovih kolega, Vrančić× i Zay, učinili mnogo toga što nije samo nedostojno nego je i vrlo loše. Oni su, naime, Mađari koji su zajedno sa svim ostalim Mađarima podložni njegovu vladaru. Usprkos tomu, njih dvojica nastavljaju raditi isti posao kao Ogier, ne priznajući činjenicu da vrhovnu vlast nad njima ima turski vladar.

Na to smo mu htjeli odgovoriti najbolje što možemo, no nismo bili u prilici to učiniti kako ne bismo nanijeli neku štetu javnoj dužnosti, posebice u vrijeme kada je čitava stvar još uvijek visjela o koncu. Stoga smo se suspregnuli i odgovorili mu da vrlo dobro znamo tko smo, no da samo radimo ono što nam je naložio naš kralj i ono za što znamo da je naša dužnost. On to nije odveć pažljivo saslušao ili je samo hinio nezainteresiranost. Dometnuo je da od svih naših izgovorenih riječi nije shvatio ništa drugo nego da molimo dozvolu da se vratimo. O tome s nama namjerava opširnije razgovarati kasnije. Rekavši to, rukom nam je pokazao izlaz. Mi smo se, pak, vratili kući prepuni sumnje kako će se čitava stvar okončati. Nekoliko dana poslije, besposleno sjedeći, klonuli smo duhom jer nismo znali što nam je činiti. Usto, bili smo uvjereni da će nas i dalje zapostavljati i stalno iznova odgađati pregovore, tjerajući nas da ušutimo. U međuvremenu ipak nismo prestajali gotovo svakodnevno uporno zahtijevati od spomenutih tumača da iznesu naše pritužbe. No kako smo time postizali slab uspjeh, odlučili smo se 20. lipnja pismeno obratiti pašama u Divanu: budući da su prošla već dva mjeseca od dolaska pismonoše Vašeg Veličanstva kojega su sami tražili, a dosad nas nisu pozvali da pregovaramo o tome što sada od nas zahtijeva naša služba, silno se bojimo da nam, ako i dalje budemo beskorisno šutjeli, ne bi zamjerili kako nismo vodili brigu o svojim zadaćama i o cilju poslanstva, i to jednako sami paše, kao i Vaše Veličanstvo. Stoga ih zdušno molimo da nam napokon dadu prigodu da dođemo na razgovor kako bismo pravovremeno dogovorili ono što s njima trebamo dogovoriti te da sklopimo sporazum – kako se zbog ovoliko odugovlačenja i čekanja ne bi na granicama dogodilo nešto nepredviđeno za što bismo najprije bili okrivljeni mi službenici, a zatim i Njego - [113] vo Veličanstvo, naš kralj i gospodar. Učinilo nam se da ovaj poticaj nije bio uzaludan jer nam je 28. dana mjeseca lipnja, kad više ništa takva nismo očekivali, paša naposljetku naredio da dođemo na dvor s darom o kojem smo mu prethodno pisali, najavivši usto da će nas odvesti k sultanu.

Stigavši tako na dvor i prinijevši dar kako već priliči časti i ugledu Vašeg Veličanstva, najprije smo se, prema međunarodnopravnom običaju, sastali s pašama, kojima smo uputili sljedeće riječi. Kazali smo da je već čitavom svijetu, a posebice pašama i njihovu vladaru, dobro poznato koliko dugo te koliko uporno i iskreno Vaše Veličanstvo ustraje u želji i zahtjevu da sklopi mirovni sporazum s njihovim sultanom. Kako je Vaše Veličanstvo sve do današnjeg dana uvijek bilo razočarano u svojoj nadi i potraživanjima, ma kako oni bili iskreni i dobronamjerni te kako više ne može trpjeti kolebanje između nade i očajanja kada je o spomenutome miru riječ – odlučilo je napokon uz naše posredovanje doznati hoće li mu spomenuti mir biti odobren ili ne. Vaše Veličanstvo poglavito nam je iz tog razloga poslalo svoga glasnika s pismom u kojem nam najstrože nalaže da, ako mu se na rečeni način, o kojemu smo Vas već više puta izvijestili, ne odobri mir, zatražimo da budemo otpušteni čak i ako ne isposlujemo mir te da se svi vratimo. Nastojeći uslišiti takav nalog Vašeg Veličanstva, izložili smo im ga uz počast i poštovanje. Stoga molimo paše da, ako nikako ne žele dopustiti sklapanje mira s njihovim vladarom, barem dojave našu molbu Njegovoj Visosti te se u naše ime kod sultana založe za to da nam, osim slobodnog prolaza kao našeg jamstva za Vaše Veličanstvo, udostoji udijeliti oslobođenje od daljnjih dužnosti te da nas dobrostivo otpusti, kako ne bismo ovdje u nepotrebnom čekanju i dalje trošili vrijeme i snage jer ćemo time kod kuće silno ozlojediti Vaše Veličanstvo.

Rustem-paša nato reče da se čudi što, iako od njih stalno slušamo kako njihov vladar ne želi ustupiti Vašem Veličanstvu ništa što je u Ugarskom Kraljevstvu prije pripadalo Budimu, o tome još uvijek ne prestajemo govoriti. Upitao nas je sljedeće: „Jeste li ikad pročitali ili vidjeli da su vladari kraljevstva i pokrajine koje su osvojili nakon nekog vremena dali u posjed neprijateljima? Na koji to način tražite prijateljstvo našeg sultana, koji je kraljevstvo koje vi nastojite zadržati u svojoj vlasti i pod svojom jurisdikcijom osvojio vlastitim mačem i pregazio kopitima svoga konja?“ Rekao [114] nam je još mnogo sličnoga tomu. Na samom nam je kraju uputio savjet da dobro razmotrimo ono što nam se govori i da na to bez ikakva oklijevanja pristanemo i s time se usuglasimo ako tražimo i želimo dobiti mir koji je u skladu s njegovom voljom i s voljom njegova vladara.

Kako bismo izbjegli pitanja koja bi mogla izazvati nove i dalekosežnije prijepore, a i stoga što nam nije preostalo drugo nego da s njima prestanemo pretresati problem Ugarske, kratko smo odgovorili da je, otkako su snage njihova vladara ušle u Ugarsku uz pristanak njezina vladara, Vaše Veličanstvo sporazumno i mirno držalo Ugarsku, i to najprije samo u znak prijateljstva radi dobrosusjedskih odnosa, potom kao vid savezništva i na kraju uz počasni danak. Nakon toga je Vaše Veličanstvo njihova vladara često preko glasnika, ali i pismeno molilo da mu dade dopuštenje da zadrži u posjedu Ugarsku onako kako je sve do danas posjeduje i kako bi je posjedovalo čak i onda kada bi se po volji Njegove Visosti Transilvanija prepustila Ivanovu sinu. Ako bi se sada Transilvanija prepustila Ivanovu sinu[2] samo zato da se udovolji Njegovoj Visosti, zar to znači da Njegovo Veličanstvo ubuduće ne bi moglo zadržati nikakva prava u Ugarskoj? Kako bi Njegovo Veličanstvo moglo biti časno ili pravedno istisnuto iz Ugarske, posebice stoga što ne želi da se to pravo prenese na nekoga drugoga, nego da o tome mi s njima pregovaramo kod Njegove Visosti i sklopimo toliko puta spominjani mirovni sporazum? Naposljetku, što se ugarskog pitanja tiče, Njegovo Veličanstvo nije neprijatelj Njegove Visosti. Zahvaljujući četverogodišnjim naporima na sklapanju mira, to je već jasno čitavom svijetu, jednako kao što je dobro poznato i njima i njihovu vladaru. Uostalom, na taj način Njegovo Veličanstvo želi otvoreno posvjedočiti da nema namjeru odustati od prijateljstva s Njegovom Visosti. Budući da Njegovo Veličanstvo toliko teži i trudi se biti darežljivo prema Njegovoj Visosti, od toga nikada neće odstupiti svojevoljno, nego samo ako na to bude prisiljeno.

Zbrkano i na brzinu dometnuvši da će onda, vidjevši nas koji tako ustrajemo u svojoj namjeri, svi početi navaljivati na sultana, najzad je rekao da je [115] Vaše Veličanstvo već pružilo sve razloge, a svakodnevno ih pruža i dalje, zbog kojih mu Njegova Visost ne može biti prijateljem kao što bi ono htjelo – jer Vaše Veličanstvo ne želi pristati uz njegovu volju.

Dodali smo da im Vaše Veličanstvo dosad nije pružilo nikakve povode za rat i da je bilo posezalo za oružjem samo da obrani sebe i svoje posjede, bez ikakve namjere da povrijedi tuđe. Koliko se, pak, Vaše Veličanstvo brinulo o tome da udovolji volji Njegove Visosti vidi se ponajprije po tome što mu je prepuštalo Transilvaniju, a potom iz bjelodane činjenice da još uvijek nije odustalo od želje da zatraži mir i prijateljstvo od Njegove Visosti, unatoč tomu što ga neprijateljsko ponašanje njegovih susjeda i danas neprestano ugrožava i izaziva na oružje. Stoga Njegova Visost može lako dati Vašem Veličanstvu ono što traži, odnosno dati mu da zadrži onaj dio kraljevstva do transilvanskih granica koji je držalo i dosad. Uz slavu zbog ostalih pobjeda koje je dosad izvojevalo oružjem, Njegovoj Visosti tako bi još veću pohvalu donijela darežljivost. Ona će mu biti na još veću čast i korist ako odluči da s jedne strane zemlje[3] smjesti Ivanova sina, a drugu stranu prepusti Vašem Veličanstvu te da obojicu proglasi svojim prijateljima.

Na to nisu rekli ništa određeno, nego su ustali i odveli nas k sultanu. Čim smo dobili dopuštenje da govorimo – odnosno čim nam se pružila iznimno povoljna prilika, koju smo tako željno očekivali, da se usmeno obratimo samom sultanu i ozbiljno s njime porazgovaramo o biti čitave stvari – Ogier (kojega smo ovlastili govoriti u vezi s našim zahtjevima) uputio mu je sljedeće riječi: „Naš prejasni kralj, najveći i najmoćniji vladar, Vašoj Visosti upućuje srdačan pozdrav i želi mu svu sreću! Šalje mu i darove kako bi Vaša Visost uvidjela da Njegovu Veličanstvu ne nedostaje niti će mu ikada nedostajati volje da Vašoj Visosti iskaže počast. Njegovo Veličanstvo, pak, traži od Vaše Visosti postojan mir i prijateljstvo. Kao što je Njegovo Veličanstvo na želju Vaše Visosti rado bilo ustupilo Transilvaniju sinu kralja Ivana, tako se i Vaša Visost nije ustručavala da Njegovu Veličanstvu zauzvrat ustupi ostatak Transilvanije uz obvezu plaćanja počasnoga godišnjeg danka. Nema ničega toliko velikoga za što Njegovo Veličanstvo smatra da ne bi moglo isposlovati od tako velikog i tako velikodušnog vladara. Ako [116] to ne može dobiti, a mi ne tražimo ništa više od toga, usrdno molimo da Vaša Visost dopusti da se barem mi poslanici sretno i zdravo vratimo svojem gospodaru kralju i u svoju domovinu za kojom već dugo žudimo, prema međunarodnom pravu i pravu slobodnog prolaza koji će nam dati Vaša Visost, u skladu sa svojim nadasve pohvalnim običajem.“

Premda je to sultan saslušao vrlo pažljivo te s blagim i dobrohotnim izrazom lica koji nam je stalno pokazivao – a činilo se da bi nam dopustio da govorimo i više ako bismo to htjeli – ipak smo se pobojali da bi audijencija mogla i drukčije završiti, sjećajući se mučnih i neugodnih pregovora u Amasiji.[4] Kako ne bismo i sada bili navedeni na to da udovoljimo njihovim željama i pristanemo uz njihovu volju, odlučili smo da u svega nekoliko riječi izložimo puko stanje stvari. Premda bismo tomu rado bili dodali još nešto, to ne bi vrijedilo više od običnog ukrasa jer kod njih obično ne prolazi ništa što nije u skladu s njihovim željama. Stoga nismo htjeli baciti nikakvu sjenu na samu stvar kako bi se ono što smo namjeravali reći svojom jednostavnošću lakše ukorijenilo u njegovoj duši. Dobrostivo saslušavši naš govor i sačekavši prijevod tumača, kratko je odgovorio da će nas iznova vidjeti i dati nam odgovor.

Nakon pet dana, odnosno 3. srpnja, pozvani smo k Rustem-paši, koji je s nama staloženo i ljubazno razgovarao gotovo čitav sat. Napokon smo se dotaknuli uvjeta za sklapanje mirovnog sporazuma koje smo bili spomenuli u našem prethodnom pismu o Egeru, Paloti[5] i Sigetu.[6] Najprije je skakao s teme na temu, a potom je, s nekom lukavom namjerom, započeo s riječima iz navedenog pisma i iznio sljedeći prijedlog: ako je, dakle, istina da se Vaše Veličanstvo toliko pouzdaje u njegovo zalaganje i prijateljstvo – kako smo mu već mnogo puta posvjedočili, a svjedočimo i sada – bilo bi doista ispravno da prihvati njegov savjet te da i mi, ako se dobro brinemo za [117] korist Vašeg Veličanstva, imamo u njega povjerenja. To i slične teme o kojima smo mu opširno pisali u prošlom pismu sada ne trebamo ponavljati jer je sve dobro shvatio, nego bi nas podrobnije želio ispitati o onome što u tom pismu nismo napisali. Osim toga, to što dosad nije sklopljen mir trebalo bi pripisati našoj tvrdoglavosti jer ga, premda smo uvijek primjereno upozoravani, nismo htjeli slušati. Napokon nam je zaprijetio da njegova sultana iduće godine možemo očekivati u Ugarskoj s čitavom njegovom vojskom ako ne prihvatimo njihove uvjete u vezi s onim trima višekratno spomenutim mjestima. Ako smo mudri, trebali bismo učiniti ono što nam savjetuje. Na taj bismo se način najbolje pobrinuli i za dobrobit Vašeg Veličanstva i za mir i sigurnost njegovih podanika.

Zdušno smo mu i bez oklijevanja dali odgovor u vezi s ratnim prijetnjama, no izbjegavajući daljnje rasprave koje smo s njima često uzalud vodili te prebacujući odluku o ishodu rata na Boga, čija providnost [118] upravlja kršćanskom stvari i podržava je. Pritom smo dometnuli da nitko ne poznaje bolje ono što je dobro za Vaše Veličanstvo te mir i sigurnost njegovih podanika od Vašeg Veličanstva i njegovih podanika samih. Mi, pak, pokoravajući se nalozima svojeg gospodara i kralja, ne pokušavamo biti mudriji od njega, nego samo nastojimo shvatiti, spoznati i pretpostaviti ono što mislimo da kralj želi. Kao što su se podanici Vašeg Veličanstva koji su ga izabrali za svoga kralja slijedom javne prisege podložili njegovoj vjeri i upravi, tako je zauzvrat Vaše Veličanstvo njima obećalo pružiti svu svoju zaštitu i slobodu koja im pripada na temelju drevnog prava naroda. Jednako tako podanici Vašeg Veličanstva smatraju da svoj mir i postojanu sigurnost koje im ono priznaje i podjeljuje mogu uživati jedino pod vlašću svoga kršćanskog vladara. Iz toga proizlazi da Vaše Veličanstvo ni iz kojeg raz - [119] loga ne smije napustiti svoje vjerne podanike, niti podanici smiju napustiti Vaše Veličanstvo, spominjući se da su mu se zakletvom obvezali na vjernost. Pošto su od Vašeg Veličanstva dobili Eger, Palotu i Siget te mjesta koja se nalaze unutar te granične linije, zar ne bi bilo kao da je napustilo čitavu Ugarsku kad bi Vaše Veličanstvo napustilo te ljude, s obzirom na to da iz grada Beča i s granica posjeda koji su mu preostali svakog dana može vidjeti samo ono što se proteže unutar dometa jedne strelice? I sami dobro znaju kako je nemoguće da Vaše Veličanstvo tako nešto učini jer ono vrlo ljubomorno čuva i štiti svoj posjed. Stoga mi, koji vrlo dobro pamtimo želje Vašeg Veličanstva, o tome niti možemo niti se usudimo razmišljati i govoriti.

Prešavši preko svega ostaloga što smo rekli, on nas tada upita je li naš kralj izabran i nije li njihov car postao gospodarom čitavoga Ugarskog Kraljevstva nakon što je porazio kralja Ludovika?[7] (Na Vaše Veličanstvo vrlo se često nabacuju kamenjem jer ne mogu podnijeti činjenicu da je ono zakoniti kralj Ugarske i da se tako naziva.) Stoga smo i tada bili prisiljeni dotaknuti se običaja i prava određenih kršćanskih kraljevstava pri izboru kraljeva. Dodali smo usput i nešto o načinu nasljeđivanja i temeljito ga podučili, makar i u nekoliko riječi, da Vaše Veličanstvo drži Ugarsko Kraljevsko i po građanskome i po kanonskome pravu te da se ne može svrgnuti s ugarskog prijestolja bez velike štete i za njega i za njegove prejasne sinove. Ako, pak, Vaše Veličanstvo na temelju svog prava i zahvaljujući velikodušnosti njihova vladara može u spomenutom Ugarskom Kraljevstvu ostati mirno, slobodno i s obvezom plaćanja godišnjega počasnog danka, kao što je bilo i dosad, pristupit ćemo određivanju dostatnih i prikladnih uvjeta za sklapanje mirovnog sporazu - [120] ma Vašeg Veličanstva s Njegovom Visosti koji već dugo s iskrenim namjerama tražimo. Sporazum bi s pravom morao biti sklopljen na četiri godine, osobito ako se Transilvanija, prema želji Njegove Visosti, prepusti Ivanovu sinu. Osim toga, kao što smo već rekli, Njegovoj se Visosti više neće uskraćivati počasni godišnji danak čije je plaćanje bilo prekinuto na dvije godine zbog rata koji su pokrenuli susjedi.[8] Dakako, do toga će doći samo ako se na prijateljsku molbu odgovori na jednak način.

Učinilo nam se da je na ovo htio žustro odgovoriti. Stoga je odmah vrlo gnjevno počeo govoriti o dvogodišnjem prekidu plaćanja počasnoga danka. Rekao je da je Vaše Veličanstvo s pravom obvezno na njegovo plaćanje sukladno svojoj dužnosti. Stoga je njegova vlastita krivnja to što je spriječeno u njegovoj isplati. No doskora je prešao na drugu temu. Ne znamo je li tome možda pridonio grčki beglerbeg ili je to možda učinio zbog zaboravnosti ili pak namjerno. Vratio se na temu koja uopće nije bila važna, a ticala se našega položaja, želeći saznati razlog zašto tako uporno tražimo otpust. Upitao nas je da li da poveća opskrbu kako nam ništa ne bi nedostajalo, izrijekom nas uvjeravajući da će nas njihov vladar opskrbiti svim vrstama žita i krmiva koje je nužno za našu upotrebu i za prehranu naše stoke. Rekao nam je još mnogo sličnoga tome, što jedva da je dolikovalo njegovom položaju, posebice pred beglerbegom kao svjedokom.

Kako bismo mu primjereno odgovorili, osobito u prisutnosti tako uglednog svjedoka, kazali smo da tako revno tražimo otpust jer smo to obećali Vašem Veličanstvu pošto smo ovdje uzalud utrošili već toliko vremena, a čini se da nismo postigli ništa glede sklapanja mira. Iako Njegovoj Visosti i samome gospodinu paši želimo iskazati najdublju zahvalnost na dobrome prijemu, naša je obveza jesti i piti kod kuće. Ovamo nismo došli da bismo jeli i pili, već da bismo pregovarali o miru. Bez obzira da li ćemo ga zaključiti ili ne, na koncu ćemo se vratiti Vašemu Veličanstvu.

On je na to vidno pocrvenio, no ipak se počeo osmjehivati, okrenuvši čitavu stvar na šalu. Pogleda - [121] vajući sad nas, sad beglerbega, odgovorio je da to nije rekao kako bi nam nešto predbacio ili zato što ne zna da kod kuće imamo dovoljno za život, već stoga što je među svim narodima uobičajeno poslanicima davati do znanja kako gospodari države u koju su poslani gledaju na njihove vladare. To se dogodilo i u našem slučaju jer se ne radi o našem interesu, već o interesu našega kralja. Stoga je dobro da sve shvatimo i da budemo s time zadovoljni te da se ni najmanje ne opterećujemo time što se odgađa naš otpust. Naime, još je uvijek živo sjećanje na jednog ugarskog poslanika koji je kod njih proveo čitavih sedam godina i to samo zato da bi tijekom toga vremena što primjerenije mogli okončati ono što je objema stranama bilo po volji. Danas se slično postupa i s nama.

Budući da smo to već više puta bili čuli od tumača, nismo htjeli preko toga prijeći šutke, kako se ne bi činilo da mislimo da je s pravom spomenuo taj slučaj. Stoga smo dodali da to, kao što i sam kaže, doista dobro znamo te da Ugri i dan danas pamte zadržavanje njihova poslanika po imenu Barnaba Bellay,[9] koje ih je nemalo povrijedilo i ražalostilo. Stoga se boje da se taj stari slučaj, koji nije nimalo pohvalan, ne ponovi i s nama. Iz tog se razloga toliko pouzdajemo i u slobodu prolaza i u riječ i dobrostivost tako uglednog vladara. Osim toga, držimo da se to ne bi smjelo dogoditi ni zbog pravičnosti, ni zbog međunarodnoga prava.

Tada je redom ponovio sve što se tiče petogodišnjeg primirja, transilvanskog pitanja i slučaja Malvezzi koji se zbio u naše vrijeme te sličnih vanjskopolitičkih događaja. Potom je započeo raspravu, nastojeći dokazati da povod svim ovim intervencijama nije bilo neprijateljstvo njegovog vladara prema Vašem Veličanstvu. Rekao je da njegov vladar ovo primirje s Vašim Veličanstvom i Njegovim Carskim Veličanstvom[10] nije sklopio iz vlastite nužde ili ko - [122] risti, odnosno iz nužde ili koristi vlastitih podanika, već nastojeći osigurati sigurnost i mir Mlečana, Dubrovčana, Đenovljana i ostalih koji nastanjuju otoke i morske obale, a koji su dijelom sultanovi saveznici, a dijelom prijatelji. Mi vjerojatno malo znamo o onome što se tiče triju spomenutih naroda jer oružje Njihovih Veličanstava obično ne napada kršćane, no on je to ipak želio spomenuti. Tome je pridodao da taj mir nije prekršio njegov vladar nego Vaše Veličanstvo, što je potom uzrokovalo spor u vezi Transilvanije, Malvezzijeve nevolje, pa naposljetku i naše predugo zadržavanje, kao i mnoge druge nemire na našim granicama. Svalivši konačno svu krivnju na Vaše Veličanstvo, rekao je da mu se ubuduće više uopće ne treba vjerovati i da mu se ne treba ustupiti ništa u Transilvaniji. Osim toga, niti mi niti Vaše Veličanstvo više nemamo nikakvih prava glede naše slobode, života i smrti nego su ona u rukama njegovog vladara te ukoliko se ne potrudimo od njega dobiti slobodu prolaza, ništa nam više ne može pomoći. To nam je pravo bilo dano na šest mjeseci, a pošto je taj rok prošao, o tome odlučuju i nadalje će odlučivati oni, dokle god to bude odgovaralo njihovom vladaru.

Tako oštro najavivši kraj razgovora, zahvalio je beglerbegu, no nismo znali da li je to učinio ozbiljno ili pretvarajući se. Drugi glavni tumač nas je uvjeravao da je to sigurno učinio prijetvorno, u što smo sumnjali. Kako ne bi pomislio da nam je ponestalo hrabrosti zbog tako lošeg stanja u kojem se našla naša zadaća i da još uvijek držimo u tajnosti ono na što smijemo pristati u slučaju nužde, malo smo mu energičnije odgovorili, poput ljudi koji su oholi zbog vlastite moći i koji ni zbog kakve nade ili računice ne smiju odustati do samoga kraja. Da je, dakle, njihov vladar, kad nas je doveo k sebi, Vašemu Veličanstvu jasno napisao takve riječi, paša mora znati da bi nas Vaše Veličanstvo ovamo poslalo s posve drugom namjerom, ukoliko bi nas uopće i poslalo. Što se, pak, tiče kršitelja petogodišnjeg primirja koji su pružili povod sukobima između Vašeg Veličanstva i Njegove Visosti sultana, već smo dokazali da ih treba tražiti među njihovim susjedima. Stoga ne smatramo nužnim toliko puta iznova rasvjetljavati istinu o tome sporu o kojem nam nikada dosad nisu dali prilike govoriti, pa ga ovoga puta namjerno prešućujemo. Ako nas, pak, Njegova Visost optuži da smo izazvali [123] prošle nemire, koji nas se uopće ne tiču, i liši nas – kojima je dala svoju riječ da će ih otpustiti slobodne i sigurne bez obzira na to je li mir sklopljen ili nije – prava na slobodan prolaz te nam uskrati vjerodajnice zahvaljujući kojima smo slobodni i sigurni došli k njoj, neka Njegova Visost (u čijim smo, naime, rukama) pripazi na temelju kojih će ovlasti to učiniti i provjeri može li to učiniti pravedno, časno i bez ikakve povrede svog imena i ugleda.

Dok se paša spremao na to odgovoriti, beglerbeg je otišao, zbog čega se i on udaljio od teme. Napokon nas je započeo istovremeno opominjati i ohrabrivati govoreći da, ako želimo ispravno savjetovati Vaše Veličanstvo, poslušamo njegov savjet. I dok smo tako mi ustrajali u svojoj namjeri, a on nije odustajao od svoje – otpustio nas je dodajući da će o svemu tome izvijestiti svojeg vladara.

Pažljivo razmotrivši dosadašnje držanje Rustem-paše tijekom naših razgovora, a i zahvaljujući nadi koju su nam ulili savjeti nekih uglednih ljudi iz javnih i privatnih krugova da u svakom slučaju sve moramo iznijeti pred Divanom, i nama se samima učinilo da bi se još moglo dogoditi nešto dobro. No ono što se zbilo dosad i što će se još dogoditi u buduć - [124] nosti, iznevjerilo je sva naša nadanja. Dok se to događalo, dojavljeno je da stiže perzijski poslanik. Glas o tome posve je utihnuo nakon sultanova povratka. Potom su stigli izaslanici Ivanova sina i zatražili Temišvar[11] i Lippu,[12] koji su se nalazili u granicama transilvanskog posjeda koji mu je prethodno bio predan. Napokon smo počeli očajavati u vezi sa svojim otpustom, držeći da će nam to svakako stvoriti nove zapreke. Stoga smo svim silama nastojali istražiti što se tako iznenada ispriječilo našoj misiji. Slučajno smo se sastali s tumačem Ibrahimom, kojega smo s najvećom pomnjom upitali zna li što je bilo uzrokom tako neočekivanih događaja. Odgovorio nam je da ne zna i da se ničemu ne nadamo ako prije nego što budemo pozvani u Divan pašama ne otkrijemo odgovor na njihov upit o trima mjestima.[13] Vjerovao je da bi nam mogli izaći u susret ako ih pismeno obavijestimo o svojim zadaćama. Naime, Rustem-paša iznio je uvjete u vezi s Egerom, Palotom i Sigetom kako bi Vašem Veličanstvu izložio svoja očekivanja u vezi s odgovorom. Na koncu nam je savjetovao da dva ili tri dana u gostinjcu porazmislimo o tome što nam je činiti. Mi smo, pak, namjeravali pokazati da su, osim naše molbe koju smo višekratno iznijeli pred njih, pogaženi i svi uvjeti Vašeg Veličanstva, te da se o svemu razgovaralo slijedom naputaka koje nam je Vaše Veličanstvo dalo i na početku i nedavno. Također im nismo htjeli ostaviti nikakve nade da bismo se zasad mogli otkloniti od zadanog cilja. Obećaju li, pak, Vašem Veličanstvu i najmanju mrvicu kraljevstva i pristanu li usto na mir, rekli smo da nećemo razmišljati ni jednog jedinog trenutka, nego ćemo na licu mjesta biti spremni na odgovor jer odgovaramo sukladno svojim naputcima.

Poslušavši, dakle, savjet tumača, marljivo smo i bez oklijevanja počeli pripremati svoj odlazak te smo 12. srpnja pašama poslali pismo sljedećeg sadržaja: budući da smo im već prije opširno i definitivno odgovorili na prijedloge koje su nam nedavno iznijeli, od nas ne trebaju očekivati nikakve daljnje odgovore i mišljenja u vezi s time. Kako su nam uskratili ono što smo ih toliko puta od samog početka tražili, i to na temelju njihovih vlastitih obećanja, usrdno molimo njihova presvijetla gospodstva da nam se napokon udostoje od Visosti svojeg vladara [125] isposlovati dobrostivi odgovor s dopuštenjem onoga što (kako smo rekli) dugo molimo ili barem pravičan otpust sukladno s dobrostivim obećanjem Njegove Visosti. Ne samo to što smo predugo uzalud ovdje držani nego i božanska i ljudska pravednost neprijeporno zahtijevaju da se takvo odgađanje napokon okonča.

Nismo doznali što su paše odlučili s nama učiniti pošto je u Divanu bilo pročitano naše pismo jer se nitko nije pobrinuo ni jednom jedinom riječju dojaviti nam njihov odgovor. Jedino nas je čauš-paša – koji je sukladno s međunarodnim pravom u vrijeme Divana običavao izvršavati naloge toga vrhovnog tijela koje čine paše, i koji je bio odnio naše pismo – u vlastito ime obavijestio da su paše poručili kako će se uskoro pozabaviti našim poslovima. Budući da nismo bili zadovoljni tim odgovorom, dodijavali smo tumačima tražeći da nam kažu što su paše odgovorili na naše pismo i zašto nam nisu po njima poslali odgovor. Kako ni oni nisu znali što nam, prema nalogu paša, mogu otkriti, a u međuvremenu se glas o tome počeo širiti po čitavome gradu, odlučeno je da nam dojave da ćemo uskoro biti pušteni da odemo. Paše su, naime, čekali dvije stvari: prvo, proslavu Bajrama,[14] koja se već približavala, i drugo, dolazak perzijskog poslanika, koji je također bio blizu. Što se potonjeg tiče, vjerovali su da će se dogoditi ono što se dogodilo u Amasiji, odnosno da ćemo, mi u strahu od snage Perzijanaca i oni u strahu od nas, jedni druge nastojati pridobiti za svoja očekivanja. Drugi je razlog bio gozba koju su javno, na dvoru, običavali priređivati poslanicima s kojima bi sklopili mir prije njihova odlaska. To im je sada, zbog posta, onemogućavala vjera jer prije Bajrama imaju običaj jesti samo tijekom noći. Premda možda i nisu bili u pitanju ti razlozi, jer bi ipak morala biti riječ o nečemu važnijem od ovoga što držimo posve beznačajnim, proklinjali smo to što zbog gozbe koja traje jedan ili najviše dva sata mo - [126] ramo čekati tako važnu stvar. Budući da ni na koji način nismo mogli dobiti ono što smo željeli te da nije postojao nikakav put i sredstvo da to ishodimo, bili smo prisiljeni cijelo vrijeme čekati, pa smo vjerovali da nas, kad već tako žele, zadržavaju ponajprije iz navedenih razloga. Čekali smo dvanaest dana da bismo se naposljetku neposredno prije Bajrama pismeno obratili pašama, govoreći da ih ne želimo više zamarati mnogim riječima, već samo kratko molimo da se sjete našeg odlaska i da nam odgovore u skladu s obećanjem koje nam je dao sam sultan jer ovdje više nemamo što čekati.

Budući da na našu molbu nisu odgovorili tri dana, vjerovali smo da je u pitanju proslava Bajrama, što je kod njih najvažniji i gotovo jedini blagdan tijekom čitave godine. Prvog dana kolovoza iznova smo se počeli brinuti, pa smo tumaču Ibrahimu napisali nekoliko riječi. Zamolili smo ga da pročita naše pismo i privatno ode k velikom veziru te ga, inzistirajući, u naše ime upita bi li se napokon htio založiti za naše otpuštanje. On zna da je toliko dugo zadržavanje nedostojno i bez ikakve koristi za zajedničke poslove, što su u međuvremenu vjerojatno dobro razmotrili i shvatili i on sam i njegov vladar. Potom smo tumaču rekli da se ne usteže smjesta nam javiti sve što mu bude naloženo da nam odgovori.

Tumač je kasno izvršio svoju dužnost jer je u međuvremenu perzijski poslanik došao u Üsküdar. Pošto se vratio kući iz Divana, paša je toga istog dana naložio da nas pozovu k njemu. Obratio nam se ovim riječima: „Kad ste god Visost moga vladara usrdno molili za mir i za svoje otpuštanje, ja sam za vas isposlovao i jedno i drugo, i to uz najveći mogući trud i napor. Činio sam to bez znanja svojih kolega, ostalih paša, te uz neprestani angažman i naklonost žena,[15] i to tijekom čitavoga ovog dugog vremena koje ste proveli kod nas. Čekao sam i tražio prilike da omekšam srce svoga vladara, koji je protiv vašeg otpusta. Nema sumnje da bih to i ovog puta učinio da poslušate moj savjet, a mogao bih ga skloniti i na to da prihvati sklapanje mirovnog sporazuma. No ako se sa svoga mjesta ne ukloni Siget, spomenuti se mir ne može sklopiti ni pod kojim uvjetom. Ta je, naime, utvrda od početka štitila i još uvijek štiti hajduke i pljačkaše koji nadaleko pustoše granice mog vladara [127] i stoga je on više ne može tolerirati. Zato je odlučio da se Siget potpuno uništi, bilo vojno ili po odredbama mirovnog sporazuma.

Stoga neka vaš kolega Ogier ostane kod nas dok se čitava stvar ne okonča i vodi brigu o onome što će se u međuvremenu događati. Vama dvojici, Vrančiću× i Zayu, naložio je, pak, da odete k svome kralju i kažete mu sljedeće: Njegova Visost želi da, što je prije moguće, iz utvrde Siget uklonite posadu i streljivo te utvrdu uništite i razrušite do temelja. Nakon toga iznova pošaljite poslanike i po njima počasni danak za dvije godine tijekom kojih je prekinuto njegovo plaćanje. Tek će se tada steći uvjeti za sklapanje vječnog mira koji su postojali u prethodnome mirovnom sporazumu. Povrh toga, sultan će u svojoj vlasti zadržati dio Ugarske koji sada drži, u granicama koje će se potom odrediti između njegova područja i područja vašeg kralja. O iznosu godišnjeg danka koji će se ubuduće plaćati, a koji sultan želi povećati, kao i o ostalim pitanjima koja se tiču mirovnog sporazuma, pregovarat će s poslanicima koje pošalje kralj i s ovime koji ostane ovdje,[16] dakako, pod uvjetom da vaš kralj pristane na ove uvjete.“

Nezadovoljni ovim uvjetima, koji su bili u potpunoj suprotnosti s nalozima Vašeg Veličanstva, izrazom lica pokazali smo nemalu uznemirenost, iskazujući time svoj stav da su potpuno nedolični i nepravedni. Prije nego što išta odgovorimo na njihov prijedlog, htjeli smo se bolje obavijestiti o smještaju granica koje je spomenuo. Stoga smo tražili priliku da im preciznije objasnimo ono što je već više puta bilo ustanovljeno: koje je granice njihov vladar, prepuštajući Transilvaniju Ivanovu sinu, obećao Vašem Veličanstvu, pod kojim je uvjetima trebalo pravično sklopiti spomenuti mirovni sporazum između Njegove Visosti i Vašeg Veličanstva te što Vaše Veličanstvo misli o uništenju Sigeta. Nakon toga upitali smo ih na kojem bi mjestu trebalo postaviti spomenute granice. Odgovorio nam je kako njegov vladar želi da Vaše Veličanstvo u Ugarskom Kraljevstvu i nadalje slobodno i mirno zadrži u svojoj vlasti ono što i danas drži, jednako kao što će on sam i njegovi podanici, koji imaju ista prava, u svoje ime držati svoje posjede. Inače će za razgraničenje i zacrtavanje granica biti zaduženi povjerenici koji će na obje strane [128] biti odabrani među poštenim i uglednim ljudima koji dobro poznaju problem i pravni položaj kraljevstva.

Slijedeći naputke Vašeg Veličanstva, drugog smo dana razgovarali o dvjema stvarima: o svojem otpustu, uz sklapanje časnog mira koji smo tražili ili bez toga ako nam se ponudi nešto što nije pravedno i časno. S tim u vezi rekli smo da smo od Njegove Visosti očekivali mnogo pravednije uvjete za sklapanje mira od onih koje nam je predložio. Osim toga, sultanovo nastojanje da s jedne strane silom i uz pomoć pobunjenika smanji granice Vašeg Veličanstva te s druge strane uvjetima mirovnog sporazuma zadobije još više teritorija, nije ništa drugo nego postavljanje očite zapreke sklapanju mirovnog sporazuma. Takvo sužavanje granica Vašeg Veličanstva i proglašavanje sultanove vojne sile čimbenikom u preuzimanju i vraćanju njegovih posjeda u cijelosti je suprotno obećanju koje je na početku pregovora o sklapanju spomenutoga mirovnog sporazuma Njegova Visost dala Vašem Veličanstvu. U vrijeme kada smo došli ovamo radi sklapanja mirovnog sporazuma, sultan je Vašem Veličanstvu obećao dati onaj dio Ugarske koji je ono posjedovalo ako Ivanovu sinu prepusti Transilvaniju. Potaknuto dobrohotnošću i prijateljstvom Njegove Visosti te potpuno se pouzdajući u njegovu riječ, Njegovo Veličanstvo, dakle, odmah je poslalo k njemu svoje poslanike radi sklapanja mira. Pritom se nadalo da će, pošto se Transilvanija prepusti Ivanovu sinu, Njegova Visost održati riječ koju mu je dala u vezi s Ugarskom. Takav način prepuštanja Transilvanije javno smo u Divanu predložili Njegovoj Visosti. Ako se gospodin paša prisjeti na koji smo način i kojim riječima iznijeli taj prijedlog, sjetit će se da je to bilo jedino pod uvjetom da njegov vladar Vašemu Prejasnom Veličanstvu dopusti slobodno i nesmetano posjedovanje Ugarske sve do granica Transilvanije, s time da se unutar njih nalaze i Gyula, i Varadin, i neka druga mjesta. Osim toga, jasno mu je da se u područje Transilvanije ne ubrajaju, niti su u njezin opseg ikada bila uključena, mjesta koja je prije bio držao brat Juraj[17] ili netko drugi. Budući da je Transilvanija tražena u dječakovo ime, Vaše Veličanstvo od početka je smatralo da se tražbina odnosi samo na Transilvaniju koju je vratilo pod svoju vlast zahvaljujući prosvjedu koji smo uložili mi, njegovi poslanici. Kad Njegova Visost ne bi zauzvrat Vašem [129] Veličanstvu na isti način dodijelila posjed nad Ugarskom, izjavili smo i tada kao i mnogo puta prije, takvo bi prepuštanje Transilvanije za nas bilo uzaludno, bezvrijedno i izlišno. Mi, naime, ni sada od Njegove Visosti ne tražimo drugo nego da dopusti Njegovu Veličanstvu da posjeduje Ugarsku u granicama koje mu je već bila obećala. Jedino će tako Njegovo Veličanstvo znati da će spomenuti mir za nj biti pošten, a za Njegovu Visost najpošteniji mogući. Ako nam Njegova Visost to odobri na rečeni način, mi ćemo, kao poslanici i službenici Njegova Veličanstva, na to staviti svoj potpis. Ako ne, otvoreno objavljujemo da nismo suglasni s predloženim uvjetima, koje se i ne usudimo iznijeti pred Vaše Veličanstvo jer nam je ono izričito naložilo da se vratimo neobavljena posla ako nam ne bude odobren mir u neokrnjenim granicama kraljevstva u skladu sa sultanovim obećanjem. Stoga smjesta zahtijevamo dvije stvari: ako Njegova Visost želi sklopiti mir, da ga napokon bez odgađanja sklopi jer je već isteklo vrijeme. Ako, pak, ne želi, neka se i to bez odgađanja udostoji učiniti. Po nalogu Vašeg Veličanstva, mi smo spremni na oboje, no nikome od nas nije dopušteno ostati ovdje ako se ne sklopi mir. Ako, pak, mir bude sklopljen, naloženo nam je da ostane jedan od nas, koji će do kraja obaviti taj posao. Na tom smo mjestu spomenuli i dvogodišnji prekid plaćanja počasnog danka, rekavši da se Njegova Visost ne treba opterećivati zbog njegova plaćanja jer joj obećavamo da će nesumnjivo odmah biti isplaćen ako se mirovni sporazum zaključi sukladno s obećanjem Njegove Visosti i po želji Vašeg Veličanstva. Ako, pak, bude drugačije, ne možemo obećati da će biti isplaćen.

Tada se umiješao paša, rekavši da je njegov vladar Ugarsku doista obećao Vašem Veličanstvu te da bi se toga i bio držao da je ono prepustilo Transilvaniju Ivanovu sinu onda kada je bilo zamoljeno da to učini. Budući da ju je stvarno predalo tek kada su to već bili učinili njezini stanovnici, njegov je vladar u tom trenutku u cijelosti bio oslobođen svog obećanja. On i inače uvijek ima slobodu raditi što god želi, odnosno jednima davati, drugima oduzimati, pa čak i mijenjati uživatelje svojih posjeda. Rekao je još mnogo stvari sličnih ovima, i to, po svome uvriježenom običaju, prilično drsko.

Dometnuli smo tek nekoliko riječi, želeći se što prije vratiti na temu. Kazali smo da Njegova Visost doista može raditi sa svojim podanicima što god želi, [130] no prema prijateljima bi se trebala odnositi na drugačiji način. Naš je kralj, naime, prijatelj Njegove Visosti i stoga je od nje tražio pravedan i pošten mir, sukladno s obećanjima koja je dobio od nje, kao od prijatelja i savezničkog vladara. Vaše Veličanstvo nije mu obećalo prepustiti Transilvaniju ni zlonamjerno ni s neprijateljskim nakanama. No pouzdajući se u prijateljstvo za koje je vjerovalo da Njegova Visost gaji prema njemu, dugo je pokušavalo zadržati Transilvaniju u vlasti, i to radije pružajući joj slobodu negoli pokoravajući je svojim oružjem. Da se htjelo služiti oružanom silom, zar ne bi tu pokrajinu branilo od svojih neprijatelja, kojima je preostala samo jedna ili najviše dvije utvrde, dok i njima nije naređeno da se predaju u milost Vašeg Veličanstva? Ne spominjući ostale uvjete, došli smo do samog kraja, vrativši se na pitanje Sigeta i druge probleme koje smo trebali riješiti. Rekli smo kako će zahtjev da se uništi Siget biti posve neprihvatljiv Vašem Veličanstvu.

Paša je na to odgovorio: „Ako to Njegovo Veličanstvo ne prihvati, doći će do rata. Ako bi moj vladar poveo rat na Ugarsku, kako bi mu se mogao oduprijeti Siget i čitav preostali dio Ugarske, kad od njegove moći drhti čak i zemaljska kugla? Stoga se Njegovo Veličanstvo mora bojati da zbog jedne utvrde ne izgubi čitavo kraljevstvo. A vi, koji ste mudri ljudi, to dobro odvagnite i o tome razmislite te savjetujte Vašemu kralju da zbog gubitka jedne neznatne utvrde ne počini najveću moguću štetu. Budući da Vam je dana ovlast da sklopite mir, pazite da Vašemu kralju ne stvorite povod za rat i da mu prije vremena ne podmećete noge.“ Rekao je i još mnogo sličnoga ovome.

Odgovorili smo mu da je njegov vladar doista vrlo moćan i da uvijek ima mogućnost povesti rat protiv koga god hoće. Premda naši vladari običavaju voditi ratove zbog vlastite zaštite i koristi, mi smo ipak uvijek iskreno nastojali zadobiti njihovo prijateljstvo radije nego li izazvati neprijateljstvo. To želimo i sada i stoga nastojimo saznati što njegov vladar o tome misli. Inače nemamo ovlasti učiniti ništa osim onoga što nam je povjereno i za što znamo da će biti korisno i časno za Vaše Veličanstvo. Ako nam stoga paša ne može reći ništa prihvatljivije o Sigetu i o spomenutim ugarskim granicama, molimo ga za dopuštenje da se vratimo Vašemu Veličanstvu kojemu nećemo dojaviti ništa o uvjetima mira, nego ćemo mu samo reći da smo se vratili, a da nismo sklopili mirovni sporazum. Iz tog razloga neka nam svoj trojici bude dopušteno istodobno otići.

[131] Odgovorio je da nam ne može dati povoljnije uvjete mira. Ako, dakle, na ovome mjestu ne možemo potpisati mirovni sporazum i usuglasiti se s ponuđenim uvjetima mira, neka ih onda barem nas dvojica, Vrančić× i Zay, iznesemo pred Vaše Veličanstvo i njihovu vladaru donesemo odgovor što Vaše Veličanstvo o tome misli.

Ako nas dvojica to jednostavno ne želimo prihvatiti, paša ima posebne ljude koji su zaduženi za takve poslove kod njegova vladara i koji to mogu dojaviti Vašem Veličanstvu. Mi bismo se, pak, pobrinuli da ono što želimo bude provedeno točno, pouzdano i bez odgađanja te da ne izgleda kao da je riječ o budućem mirovnom sporazumu.

Dodao je kako on nije samo jednom već više puta tražio od nas da spomenute uvjete za sklapanje mira dojavimo Vašem Veličanstvu. To će biti prikladnije za Vaše Veličanstvo, a tako želi i njegov vladar, koji želi znati što će Vaše Veličanstvo odgovoriti na spomenute uvjete prije nego što se s njime išta dogovori.

Vidjevši pašinu upornost, malo smo oklijevali s odgovorom, kao da razmišljamo što da učinimo u vezi s toliko važnom i neočekivanom stvari. Ono što je paša predložio bilo je, naime, vrlo teško i činilo se da nema pouzdanog načina za donošenje odluke, posebice stoga što smo trebali postići uspjeh u raspravi s tako divljim i drskim čovjekom. Htjeli smo da paša stekne dojam kako želimo zaobići daljnju raspravu u vezi sa Sigetom i prijeći na razgovor o ostalim pojedinostima (kao da o tome nismo prethodno pisali Vašem Veličanstvu). No on je prekinuo razgovor i otpustio nas, govoreći da će s nama više razgovarati poslije, jer smo na ovome sastanku ionako dovoljno razgovarali, ali samo o Sigetu, kojega se sada nismo željeli doticati, kao i općenito o granicama. Nama je ta odgoda došla kao naručena jer se činilo da odgovara volji njegova vladara, a i da će nas sukus riječi s kojima nas je otpustio bolje pripraviti na ono što na koncu moramo napraviti i zaključiti.

Osmog dana mjeseca kolovoza paša je naredio da nas pozovu na razgovor. Tada nas je upitao što smo odlučili u vezi s onim što nam je bio predložio. Odgovorili smo mu da na pitanje o Sigetu i o granicama koje [132] je Njegova Visost obećala Vašem Veličanstvu možemo odgovoriti jedino isto što i prije jer ne možemo iznijeti drugačiji stav ako želimo postupati u skladu s naputcima Vašeg Veličanstva. Ako je njegov vladar odlučio da se nas dvojica, Vrančić× i Zay, vratimo k Vašem Veličanstvu kako bismo doznali njegovo mišljenje o uvjetima sklapanja mirovnog sporazuma koji su nam na koncu predloženi, mi ćemo to i učiniti, no preostaje još mnogo toga što oni sami moraju učiniti i o tome nas izvijestiti kako bismo o čitavoj stvari što potpunije mogli informirati Vaše Veličanstvo. Stoga smo upitali pašu što nam može odgovoriti o Gyuli, Varadinu i ostalim mjestima u Ugarskom Kraljevstvu koja se nalaze unutar granica koje su obećane Vašem Veličanstvu. Mi smo se i prije s velikom revnošću borili za ta mjesta, a to činimo i sada jer ih se Vaše Veličanstvo ne želi odreći. To je i ispravno jer ih je trebalo mirno prepustiti Vašem Veličanstvu sukladno s obećanjem koje mu je dao njegov vladar, a to je da će mu osigurati posjed Ugarske ako Transilvaniju prepusti Ivanovu sinu. Sada se, pak, govori da, prekršivši odredbe Varadinskog primirja[18] suprotno svakome pravu i pravednosti, neprijatelji Vašeg Veličanstva uz pomoć sultanovih četa žele opsjesti Gyulu jednako kao što su preoteli i utvrdu Huszt.[19] Pritom ne vode računa ni o primirju ni o sultanovu obećanju da će zaštititi granice svih kraljevstava i pokrajina Vašeg Veličanstva u vrijeme kad se bude pregovaralo o spomenutom miru.

Odgovorio je da su sva ta preotimanja i razaranja, koja su se dogodila nakon našeg dolaska u Visoku portu, izazvali susjedi Vašeg Veličanstva. Sve su to napravili u pravednom ratu koji su, poput Vas, u međuvremenu vodili i susjedi Vašeg Veličanstva, ne propuštajući prilike gdje su god i kad su god mogli. Stoga neka Vaše Veličanstvo ono što je tada izgubljeno smatra izgubljenim. Njegov vladar to i inače ne bi prepustio Vašem Veličanstvu jer sve što je u Ugarskoj ili Transilvaniji prethodno dobio u posjed uime Ivanova sina, on smatra da jest te da će i ubuduće biti pod njegovom jurisdikcijom i u njegovoj vlasti.

Na to smo ga upitali kad će stupiti na snagu obećanja koja je njegov vladar dao Vašem Veličanstvu – u to je vrijeme Vaše Veličanstvo držalo Transilvaniju, a sada mu se otima i Ugarska, koja je, u skladu sa sultanovim obećanjem, čitava bila u njegovu posjedu i koju je Vaše Veličanstvo imalo u svojoj vlasti i onda kada je nas poslalo u ovu misiju u Tursku.

[133] Kratko je odgovorio da se o tome već raspravljalo i da se uzalud trudimo i trošimo riječi. Vaše Veličanstvo mora biti zadovoljno onim dijelom teritorija koji mu je prepustio njegov vladar. Sultan bi mu i njega bio uskratio da se paša osobno, zajedno sa ženama, nije založio za Vaše Veličanstvo.

Tada smo ga upitali što nam je činiti s utvrdom Huszt i s dobrima pobunjenika. Naime, i Huszt je otet na veliku štetu primirja i na sramotu obećanja koje je dao njegov vladar. Posjedi i dobra pobunjenika nisu se smjeli otkinuti i otuđiti Vašem Veličanstvu, premda su pobunjenici htjeli raskinuti prisegu vjernosti Vašem Veličanstvu. To je kraljevstvo Vašeg Veličanstva i stoga ono uvijek može nepoštene i nevjerne zamijeniti poštenima i vjernima.

Paša je odgovorio kako njegov vladar želi da se s dobrima pobunjenika postupi jednako kao s ostalim dobrima koja pripadaju Ivanovu sinu. Njegov vladar, osim toga, ne smije odbiti i ostaviti nezaštićenim nikoga tko se utekne njemu i njegovoj zaštiti. Stoga ni o tome ne bismo trebali razgovarati; njegov vladar nikada neće vratiti Vašem Veličanstvu ono što mi tako uporno zahtijevamo jer bi time povrijedio običaje svojih predaka.

Nakon toga došli smo na pitanje Mukačeva.[20] Pitali smo ga sjeća li se da ta utvrda nije bila osvojena u ratu, nego je prema sporazumu[21] bila predana Petru Petroviću u zamjenu za Transilvaniju i Temišvar. Budući da se o njoj pregovaralo s kraljicom i s njezinim sinom, božanska i ljudska pravednost zahtijevali su da se i ona vrati Vašem Veličanstvu jer je njegovu vladaru svojevoljno iskazalo zahvalnost za Transilvaniju.

Dometnuo je da nije dovoljno upoznat s problemom Mukačeva te da smo o njemu trebali raspravljati s Ahmed-pašom. Kad Vaše Veličanstvo pošalje druge poslanike radi sklapanja mira, neka ga oni o tome obavijeste i tada će se donijeti ispravna i pravedna oduka u vezi s tom utvrdom. On, doduše, ne zna na koji bi se način ta utvrda mogla vratiti Vašem Veličanstvu kad je dana Petru Petroviću za Temišvar, a Temišvar od Vašeg Veličanstva nije uzeo Petrović, [134] nego njegov vladar. Stoga je Mukačevo, kao sultanova utvrda, nepravedno predano Vašem Veličanstvu, a krivnja se ne može prebaciti na Petrovića. U skladu s tim, ni utvrda Mukačevo ne može se tražiti od njega. No poslije će doći čas da se o tome donese odluka, a mi samo trebamo s ovim uvjetima žurno otići k našem kralju i pobrinuti se da on razumije volju njegova vladara u pogledu sklapanja mira. Stoga neka mu Vaše Veličanstvo odgovori što žurnije može što ima na umu u vezi sa spomenutim mirom.

Iako smo ondje izložili sve što je s Petrovićem bilo dogovoreno u vezi s njegovim imovinskim pravima nad utvrdom Mukačevo, pa čak i pokazali njegovom rukom pisanu ispravu kojom se obvezao na vječitu vjernost Vašem Veličanstvu kako bismo obranili pravo Vašeg Veličanstva nad tom utvrdom, nismo ništa postigli jer je to pitanje paša odgodio za neko drugo vrijeme. Kako bismo ipak dobili pašin odgovor na ostala pitanja, rekli smo da više ne možemo odgađati odlazak k Vašem Veličanstvu, premda sada već jasno vidimo, a u što ćemo se uvjeriti i kad dođemo pred njega, kakav će biti stav Vašeg Veličanstva o uvjetima mira. Naime, ne prepoznajemo ništa takva na što bi Vaše Veličanstvo moglo pristati s obzirom na to da je stiješnjeno na tako malen dio kraljevstva koji se [135] nalazi u dometu jedne strijele, a njegov vladar usto traži povećanje počasnoga godišnjeg danka i nadoknadu za dvije godine tijekom kojih nije plaćan. Usto želi da mu Vaše Veličanstvo pošalje taj danak u Portu prije nego što započne mirovne pregovore. Ne znamo kako će ijedno od toga biti moguće jer je Vaše Veličanstvo prisiljeno prije smanjiti negoli povećati godišnji danak s obzirom na to da je smanjeno područje njegove jurisdikcije u Ugarskoj. Osim toga, ono neće htjeti poslati dvogodišnju nadoknadu danka prije negoli se zaključi i objavi mir. Kazali smo i da je propušteni danak Vaše Veličanstvo njegovu vladaru obećalo ne iz nužde, nego zbog svoje dobrostivosti, a njegovo je plaćanje omelo ratno pravo jer je Ali-paša na nj krenuo s vojskom. Vaše Veličanstvo tim je dankom htjelo pokazati koliko se trudi zadobiti sultanovo prijateljstvo. No o tome paša nije htio čuti ni riječi, nego je samo ustrajao na tome da se danak uveća. Odgovorio je da će ionako biti teško isposlovati mir koji je obećan Vašem Veličanstvu i stoga je nužno na vrijeme poslati propušteni danak kako bi paša imao čvrst argument da kod svog vladara što slobodnije i uspješnije pregovara te isposluje mir. U protivnom se boji da će, ako Vaše Veličanstvo propusti ovu priliku, sve biti uzalud.

Kad smo vidjeli da više ništa ne koristi, nismo odgovorili ništa drugo nego ono što će Vaše Veličanstvo sigurno o tome misliti.

Kad je, pak, paša spomenuo vječni mir, upitali smo ga kako bi trebalo shvatiti njegovo vječno trajanje. Na to je odgovorio da to znači da će mir trajati do kraja života Vašeg Veličanstva ili njegova vladara, odnosno dokle god Vaše Veličanstvo ne pruži neki povod za rat. Jednako tako, ako bi tako odgovaralo Vašem Veličanstvu, može se odrediti i neki kraći rok, što njegov vladar prepušta odluci Vašeg Veličanstva, dodajući da će se mir poštovati kao da je sklopljen s Francuzima ili Mlečanima.

Tada smo pohvalili stav njegova vladara i započeli razgovor o Gyuli i Košicama,[22] koje dosad još nismo spomenuli. No mađarski tumač po imenu Ferhad spriječio nas je da govorimo o tome jer su navedena mjesta dosad bila u rukama Vašeg Veličanstva, a u ponuđenim uvjetima mira stoji da Vaše Veličanstvo može zadržati ono što trenutačno posjeduje. Tako [136] smo, slijedeći njegov savjet, propustili spomenuti Košice, jer su otprije bile uključene u granice Transilvanije koje su bile sporne. No pitanje Gyule nismo prešutjeli, nastojeći isposlovati da je neprijatelji ne ugrožavaju, nego da se ona mirna i slobodna (kakva je bila u rukama Vašeg Veličanstva) ostavi u njegovoj vlasti s mogućnošću da ono s jednakim pravom zadobije i ostalo, što otprije nije bilo vraćeno. Na to je paša odgovorio ono što je rekao i prije, a to je da nikako ne može biti to što tražimo. Tako smo se sporili oko svake pojedinosti, naizmjence mu jedno predlažući, drugo odgovarajući – no s jednakim učinkom. Naposljetku nismo mogli postići ništa osim onoga što nam je na početku bio najavio. Jednako nam tako nije ostavio nikakvu nadu, jasno naznačujući da se njegova vladara ne može navesti ni na što drugo, barem tijekom ovog razgovora. No na kraju nam je natuknuo nešto o Sigetu, o čemu ćemo govoriti na drugome mjestu, čime je pokazao da njegov vladar neće biti u potpunosti neumoljiv.

Kad smo vidjeli ustrajnost njegova vladara, koja se očitovala u lošim i nepravednim uvjetima mira koje nam je paša predložio, premda je bio uobičajeno postojan u stavovima, odugovlačili smo sastanak ispitujući ga i suprotstavljajući mu se kao što smo, u skladu sa svojim nalogom, i dosad bili činili u drugim pitanjima, dok ih ne učinimo povoljnijima. Budući da nas je Rustem-paša opetovano upozoravao na to da ćemo ondje morati ostati dokle god odbijamo s njegovim prijedlozima otputovati k Vašem Veličanstvu, bojali smo se da ne učinimo kakvu pogrešku koja će zadati nove poteškoće Vašem Veličanstvu, koje nam je najstrože naredilo da se vratimo, makar i neobavljena posla. Stoga smo svim silama ustrajali na molbi da nas svu trojicu otpuste jer nisu predloženi uvjeti primjereni za sklapanje mirovnog sporazuma niti se možemo nadati čemu boljemu. Kad je paša, dakle, rekao da se ne možemo vratiti sva trojica i da je sultan naredio da se nas dvojica vratimo, a treći ostane, predložili smo da mi, Vrančić× i Zay, najprije budemo otpušteni. Tako smo se, naime, bili dogovorili da ćemo učiniti ako stvar na koncu tako završi. Stoga smo se obratili paši govoreći da ćemo se nas dvojica vratiti Vašem Veličanstvu. Vraćamo se po njegovu nalogu, no plašeći se da im ne ostavimo ispraznu nadu da će Vaše Veličanstvo prihvatiti uvjete mira, posebice kad je riječ o Sigetu i sužava - [137] nju granica. Kako da odemo k Njegovu Veličanstvu laki poput vjetra znajući da će to biti na štetu našeg ugleda i na štetu milosti Njegova Veličanstva? Zato prosvjedujemo pred pašom jer nesumnjivo znamo da Vaše Veličanstvo neće prihvatiti te uvjete, koji su protivni njegovoj časti i ugledu. Osim toga, ni mi se nismo s njima složili, a moramo ih dojaviti Vašem Veličanstvu, i to ne po vlastitoj volji, nego po nalogu njegova vladara.

Na sličan je način prosvjedovao i naš kolega, velmožni gospodin Ogier, rekavši da mu nije po volji što ga tako razdvajaju od nas dok mir još nije sklopljen, a nije sigurno ni da će biti. To je, osim toga, u cijelosti i nedvojbeno u suprotnosti s naputkom Vašeg Veličanstva. Da je dogovoren mir, on ne bi odbijao tu dužnost kao prisilnu i nametnutu. Stoga, ako nam njegov vladar ne želi predložiti povoljnije uvjete mira, i on sa svojim kolegama traži potpun otpust. Ako mu se to uskrati, stalno će iznova prosvjedovati i ovdje će ostati samo prisilno i protiv volje Vašeg Veličanstva. Dotad ga ništa neće odvojiti od kolega, ma što da se dogodi.

Pošto je saslušao njegov prosvjedni govor, koji smo mu, nakon savjetovanja, uputili s dvije strane, paša se malo uznemirio, ali je ipak ljubazno i uljudno ohrabrio najprije našeg kolegu, velmožnog gospodina Ogiera, rekavši mu da se ne opterećuje time što mora ostati dok se ne dojavi odgovor Vašeg Veličanstva. Zatim se obratio nama dvojici rekavši da ne pokušavamo ništa isposlovati, nego da požurimo izvijestiti Vaše Veličanstvo o željama njegova vladara u vezi s mirovnim sporazumom. Kao što smo već bili pisali Vašem Veličanstvu i prethodno mu spomenuli, paša je u međuvremenu obećao gospodinu Ogieru svu slobodu te ne samo časno i prijateljsko nego i bratsko ophođenje. Dodao je da s tim što prije treba upoznati Vaše Veličanstvo te što žurnije dojaviti njegovo mišljenje i sultanu i njemu osobno. Pokorili smo mu se navedeni nuždom i, učinivši sve po redu kojim smo to ovdje izložili, otišli od njega. Jedva smo stigli do gostinjca kad su nas sustigli sultanovi darovi, haljine i nešto novca, uz pašinu obavijest da sutradan moramo krenuti na put.

I tako smo idućeg dana, kako je paša i najavio, odvedeni u Divan. Ono o čemu smo privatno razgovarali kod Rustem-paše, ondje smo objavili pred svim pašama. To je pružilo povod Rustem-paši i ostalim pašama da iznova započnu prepirku, i to ne samo o [138] Sigetu, kao prije, već i o ostalim pojedinostima. I ondje smo se uzalud trudili jer su se svi paše složili s Rustem-pašom da se Siget uništi. Ni ondje nam nije bilo javno odgovoreno ni na jedan od naših zahtjeva, jednako kao što nam Rustem-paša nije odgovorio u svojoj kući. Budući da su se stvari odvijale na takav način, i ondje smo prosvjedovali jednako kao kod Rustem-paše, no ipak malo uglađenije, vodeći računa o mjestu i osobama koje su ondje bile prisutne. Naposljetku smo ih upitali bismo li Vašem Veličanstvu mogli dojaviti nešto povoljnije o Sigetu i ostalim pojedinostima, kako se Vašem Veličanstvu i njihovu vladaru ne bi učinilo da ova naša diplomatska misija, koja je trajala četiri godine, nije urodila nikakvim plodom.

Tada će Rustem-paša: „Ako je“, rekao je, „Vašemu kralju teško uništiti i do temelja srušiti Siget, koji je mala utvrda i koji donosi mnogo veće troškove negoli korist, upozorite svojeg kralja da pokuša pronaći neki način i sredstvo kojima bi mogao navesti našeg vladara da dopusti da Siget ostane netaknut.“ Kad smo to čuli od tumača, obuzela nas je silna radost, tim veća što je bila nenadana. No sumnjajući da je paša baš to rekao, prije nego što smo odgovorili paši, upitali smo tumača kako bi trebalo shvatiti tu pašinu izjavu. „Podmićivanjem“, odgovorio je, što nam se jako svidjelo. Budući da smo od tumača nastojali doznati nešto preciznije, nismo odmah odgovorili Rustem-paši. Nato je Ali-paša dometnuo: „Nipošto, neka se Siget potpuno uništi. Takva je sultanova volja i naredba. Mir se nikako ne može sklopiti dok je ta utvrda čitava.“

Tada smo se našli u velikoj nedoumici ne znajući je li Rustem-paša stvarno izrekao te riječi ili nam je tumač rekao ono što smo željeli čuti, a čemu se Ali-paša tako snažno, brzo i očevidno usprotivio. Osim toga, kad smo bili kod Rustem-paše, on ništa slično nije ni ovlaš spomenuo. Gajili smo slabašnu nadu, ali smo u to barem malo povjerovali jer nije bilo sumnje da se Rustem-paša, zajedno sa svojim ženama, ustrajno protivio svakoj vrsti rata. Koliko smo dosad mogli primijetiti, on se također zdušno zalagao za mir s Vašim Veličanstvom, u nadi da će dobiti obećanu nagradu od 20 000 zlatnika. Kad smo god privatno s njime razgovarali, nije propuštao, kao usput, najprije nas upitati sjećamo li se obećanja. Potom je čak i povjerljivo tražio da ne raspravljamo s ostalim pašama o onome o čemu bi on s nama mnogo slobodnije razgovarao. [139] Zato je iz posljednjih pregovora uklonio tumača Ibrahima, čijim smo se uslugama u to vrijeme uvijek koristili zbog latinskog jezika, zamijenivši ga Mađarom Ferhadom, u kojega je imao više povjerenja u vezi sa svojim privatnim poslovima. Osim toga, Ferhad nas je mnogo puta, i tada i prije, bio uvjeravao da bi Rustem-paša više volio izgubiti dvadeset zubi iz glave negoli ne primiti 20 000 obećanih zlatnika. Budući da smo povjerovali kako je paša doista to rekao, prestali smo ih poticati da se očituju o tome, kao i o ostalome što su nam bili uskratili, i to ponajprije stoga što bismo se uzalud trudili, a potom zato da nam ne predbace neku zluradost ako opaze da smo se čvrsto uhvatili za Rustem-pašinu riječ. Naposljetku, na odrješitu Ali-pašinu izjavu Rustem-paša nije odgovorio ni riječi. Nakon što smo i mi i oni neko vrijeme šutjeli kao zaliveni, ustali su i odveli nas k sultanu. Poljubivši mu po običaju ruke, Rustem-paša pokazao mu je tko će od nas ostati kod Njegove Visosti, a tko će se vratiti Vašem Veličanstvu. Kako nam ondje nije bilo dopušteno govoriti, izašli smo.

Izloživši dakle tijek ove naše misije od početka do kraja, dotaknuli smo neka pitanja o kojima bi, po našem skromnom mišljenju, trebalo razmisliti. Što se tiče onoga što nam je Rustem-paša predložio u Divanu, da se zasad Siget poštedi, ne usuđujemo se ništa pouzdano tvrditi jer između Rustem-paše i Ali-paše postoji vrlo snažno neprijateljsko nadmetanje. Prvi je vrlo omiljen kod sultana jer i sam teži miru, dok drugi, čini se, želi rat, pa se zato nastoji na smiješan način dodvoriti sultanu bojeći se javno iskazati potporu našim mirovnim zahtjevima. Stoga držimo da nas je paša namjerno, usput i na brzinu želio obavijestiti da Siget zasad može ostati čitav kako ne bismo posve izgubili nadu u vezi s tim, premda bi čitava stvar očito mogla dovesti do rata. Možda su nam to lukavo podmetnuli djelomično vodeći računa o ugledu i časti svoga vladara, a djelomično zato da nam otežaju postizanje povoljnog odgovora u vezi s utvrde. Možda su pak to učinili kako bi nas naveli na povećanje plaćanja bilo privremenog, bilo redovitog danka. Tako je pitanje ove utvrde bilo odgođeno kako bi ne bi dovelo do novih molbi da se ne ruši i još širokogrudnijih obećanja s time u vezi. O tome će se Vaše Veličanstvo podrobnije moći obavijestiti kasnije.

Naši su prosvjedi tako imali dvojaku svrhu. Prvo, kako se ne bi učinilo da je velmožni gospodin Ogier, [140] koji ostaje, i mi koji se vraćamo, to učinio nepromišljeno jer nas je na to prisilio njihov sultan. Nadalje, da gospodin Ogier ubuduće ne bi bio lažno optužen za neprijateljstvo jer je uzet za taoca bilo zbog nas dvojice, Vrančića× i Zaya, bilo zbog Giovannija Marije Malvezzija jer su nas često i prije znali na taj način besramno mučiti. Napokon, da Vašem Veličanstvu uvijek bude slobodno, ako se pruži prilika, legitimno iznova preuzeti Transilvaniju ako sultan, dobivši od Vašeg Veličanstva za Ivanova sina Transilvaniju, ne održi svoju riječ u vezi s tim područjem, koje bi trebalo ostati u spomenutim granicama. Slijedom našeg prosvjeda u vezi sa sporazumom koji je bio predložio sam sultan, svoj bismo ustupak učinili ništavnim ako on sam ne održi svoja obećanja.

Što se, pak, tiče prijedloga da Vaše Veličanstvo slobodno i dalje posjeduje sve ono što i sada drži u Ugarskom Kraljevstvu, ozbiljno sumnjamo da ga treba shvatiti iskreno, onako kako je rečeno. Oni bi, naime, htjeli postaviti granice između sebe i Vašeg Veličanstva tako da kmetovi koji su se povukli s obiju strana granice plaćaju cijeli iznos poreza i davanja gospodarima posjeda unutar tih granica, što je Vaše Veličanstvo izričito zabranilo. Tijekom naše misije to pitanje nisu spomenuli ni jednom jedinom riječju, iako su se prethodno s nama često bili oko toga prepirali. Govorili su nam da nećemo sklopiti čvrst i dugotrajan mir s obzirom na to da susjedi javno zahtijevaju i traže da mirovni sporazum bude takav i nikakav drukčiji jer se u protivnom ne mogu obnoviti napuštena područja. Vodeći računa o kratkoći izlaganja, preskočit ćemo ono što smo im na to odgovorili. Kad smo, pak, pročitali prijevod sultanova pisma Vašem Veličanstvu i u njemu nismo našli ništa osim zahtjeva da se uništi Siget, upitali smo pašu zašto se nije pobrinuo da se u pismu navede sve što nam je dotad rekao, posebice dopuštenje da će Vaše Veličanstvo i nadalje u Ugarskoj posjedovati ono što i sada posjeduje te pitanje dvogodišnjeg prekida plaćanja počasnog danka. Odgovorio nam je da je njegov vladar napismeno htio objaviti samo ono što se u najvećoj mjeri tiče sklapanja mirovnog sporazuma, dok ostalo običava priopćiti po poslanicima koji su obdareni vjerodajnicom. Stoga će biti dovoljno da Vaše Veličanstvo to dozna od nas. Mi smo, unatoč tomu, ustrajali da se i to napiše, no on nije htio. Jednako tako nismo mogli isposlovati ni njegovo vlastito pi - [141] smo za Vaše Veličanstvo. Rekao je, naime, da nije njihov običaj da pismo robova prati pismo gospodara. Tako smo od toga odustali.

Međusobno smo raspravljali o tomu što odgovoriti ako nama, s obzirom na to da smo mnogo toga bili čuli i vidjeli boraveći dugo kod neprijatelja tijekom ovih pregovora, Vaše Veličanstvo naloži da kažemo što mislimo ili osjećamo u vezi s mirom koji mu se nudi, odnosno da mu odgovorimo želi li neprijatelj doista sklopiti mirovni sporazum ili ne. U međuvremenu je stigao pouzdan glas o pobjedi presvijetlog kralja Filipa,[23] koju je izvojevao u Francuskoj[24] i u Italiji,[25] te vijest da papa[26] i francuski kralj s njime namjeravaju pregovarati o sklapanju mirovnog sporazuma. Francuski je poslanik[27] hitno odaslan k svome kralju, a stigao je i perzijski poslanik. Kako smo doznali od mađarskog tumača i nekih drugih vjerodostojnih ljudi, perzijski je poslanik najprije zatražio da se sklopi trgovački sporazum između turskog i perzijskog naroda. Potom je tražio neka utvrđena mjesta u Velikoj Armeniji,[28] zacrtavanje granica na obje strane te, naposljetku, da se njegovu sinu dade babilonski sandžak.[29] Ako mu se to odobri, ponudio je čvrst i postojan mir. U suprotnom je zaprijetio da [142] će o spomenutom miru drugačije razmišljati.

Budući da je stiglo pismo Vašeg Veličanstva u kojem se traži naš otpust, nije bilo ništa od sklapanja mirovnog sporazuma, a usto su sa svih strana neprestano dolazile vijesti o ratnim pripremama za tu godinu; sve je to neprijatelju, kako se priča, bio najveći poticaj da otpusti nas ili bilo koga drugoga s bilo kojom zadaćom, dokle god od toga može imati koristi. Kad je neprijatelj sve to zbrojio, a usto je bio vrlo zabrinut što bi mu se moglo dogoditi ako Francuzi istupe iz savezništva s njime, smjesta je poslao francuskog poslanika k njegovu kralju, a nas k Vašem Veličanstvu, i to sa skrivenom namjerom. Francuskom je kralju, dakako, obećao brda i doline te dva strašna rata, kopneni i morski, kao pomoć protiv zajedničkih neprijatelja kako se francuski kralj ne bi s njima iznova pomirio. Vašem Veličanstvu, pak, ponudio je neiskren i nečastan mir uz korisne uvjete, kako smo doznali s različitih mjesta, jedino stoga da bi zbog sklapanja spomenutog mira preostalo vrijeme do kraja ove godine mogao provesti bez rata, za koji nije bio spreman. U međuvremenu bi tijekom zime ispitivao i procjenjivao stav Francuza kako bi naposljetku odlučio mora li sklopiti mir s Vašim Veličanstvom ili ne. Naime, ako sultan pomisli da bi se Francuzi mogli otkloniti od savezništva s njime i donijeti zdraviju odluku s time u vezi, nesumnjivo bismo se mogli nadati miru pod povoljnijim uvjetima. Ako se, pak, dogodi drukčije i Francuz nasjedne na turska obećanja, treba pomišljati i na to da bi sultan mogao povući i ovo što je sada ponudio, uzdajući se u postojanost prijateljstva s Francuzima. Takva smo mišljenja ne samo nas dvojica nego i naš kolega, velmožni gospodin Ogier, kao i svi oni kojima je stalo do sreće i uzvišenosti obaju Vaših Veličanstava.[30] Kao što smo već više puta napisali, ove se godine dogodilo mnogo toga što je zabrinulo spomenutog sultana, našeg neprijatelja, i prisililo ga da sjedi kod kuće s prividom vlastite moći te plaši neprijatelje svojim vojnim snagama, kao što je činio tijekom protekle četiri godine. Njegovoj bi drskosti zasigurno najveću štetu nanio gubitak povjerenja Francuza. To je jedino sredstvo [143] koje mu stoji na raspolaganju za uništenje kršćanskih vladara i jedinstva država, kojim će se bez ikakvih zapreka i poteškoća služiti što dulje bude mogao. O tome na drugom mjestu jer treba voditi brigu o Vašim Veličanstvima po božanskoj providnosti. Stoga sada prestajemo govoriti.

Dok smo pregovarali s pašama, dogodilo se mnogo različitih stvari koje ćemo na kraju ove naše misije zajedno sažeti, kako bismo Vašem Veličanstvu izložili sve na jednome mjestu. Vaše Veličanstvo molimo za oprost ako smo kazali nešto što ono ne bi odobrilo. Ne sumnjamo da je tako bilo i da smo bili nevrijedni sluge jer smo samo ljudi. Usto smo nedovoljno prikladni za obavljanje takve državničke službe jer jednom oduzetu pokrajinu nismo mogli vratiti ni svojom vjernošću, ni budnošću, ni svim naporima koje smo uložili. Sve ostalo što smo postigli mjerimo milošću Vašeg Veličanstva, ako ga je to uspjelo zadovoljiti. Za Vaše Veličanstvo i ubuduće ćemo izvršavati svaku vrstu službe, čak i po cijenu još veće opasnosti za vlastiti život nego što je bila ova koju je, po svojoj dobrostivoj odluci, smatralo da nam treba dodijeliti.

Ovome ćemo dodati još dvije stvari. Naime, pošto smo sve bili obavili, Rustem-paša tri nas je puta privatno pozvao k sebi. Premda smo se ponadali da više nećemo imati nikakva posla, više nam je puta ponovio ove dvije stvari. Prvo, da uložimo najveći mogući trud i u njegovo ime s Vašim Veličanstvom dogovorimo da četvoricu zarobljenika, koji su dijelom uhićeni kod Sigeta, dijelom kod ostalih mjesta, uime njihova prijateljstva oslobodi i pošalje mu ih natrag. Njegov će mu vladar zbog toga iskazati nemalu zahvalnost jer su spomenuti zarobljenici robovi nekih uglednika na njegovu dvoru. Drugo, ako to izmolimo što revnije znamo i umijemo, on će odlučiti o tome što treba učiniti u vezi s prihvaćanjem sadašnjih uvjeta mirovnog sporazuma i dati takav odgovor svome vladaru zbog kojega se neće postidjeti ni pred njime ni pred svojim kolegama, ostalim pašama i vezirima, te će i ubuduće, kad god bude vodio brigu o ostalim interesima Vašeg Veličanstva, njegov zagovor kod sultana uvijek biti uvažavan. Pošto smo izložili ovu Rustem-pašinu molbu Vašem Veličanstvu, dodajmo kako smatramo da je izlišno revnije ispunjavati i njegove ostale zahtjeve. Što u vezi s time treba učiniti Vaše Veličanstvo, to će najmudrije znati odlučiti ono samo. Kao što smatramo da je netom izloženo pašino razmišlja - [144] nje vrlo teško prihvatljivo, jednako tako u pogledu njegova prvog zahtjeva smatramo da ne treba uzalud izlaziti ususret nezahvalnim i obijesnim neprijateljima čineći im usluge. Koliko to može biti opasno i nekorisno, svjedoči i Kara Hamza-begov[31] primjer, zbog kojega nam nikada nisu bile iskazane i udijeljene bilo kakve milosti. Što je još nedostojnije, Turci su ga doskora, još moćnijega i izvrsno upoznatog s našom situacijom, do zuba naoružanog poslali na naše granice kako bi nam se osvetio za štetu koju je pretrpio u našem zarobljeništvu. To se pokazalo utoliko ozbiljnijim jer nikada dotad nismo imali posla s okrutnijim, pokvarenijim i ratobornijim neprijateljskim zapovjednikom odnosno sandžakbegom. Poslije, kad nam to Vaše Veličanstvo naloži, podnijet ćemo i izvještaj o imenima ostalih zarobljenika, kao i o ljudima čijim su robovima postali.

Fußnoten

[1] Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq× (latinski: Augerius Gislenius Busbequius, 1522.–1592.), flamanski pisac, botaničar i diplomat u službi triju generacija habsburških vladara. Djelovao je kao poslanik u Carigradu, a svoje je doživljaje opisao u knjizi Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum (Putovanja u Carigrad i Amasiju), koja je prvi put objavljena 1581. godine. Drugo izdanje izašlo je 1595. godine pod naslovom Turcicae epistolae (Turska pisma).247–248.

[2] U travnju 1554. godine sultan Sulejman Veličanstveni donio je odluku da se Ugarska zajedno s Transilvanijom vrati Ivanu Žigmundu. Iduće godine poslao je poruku transilvanskim velikašima da mu obećaju bezuvjetnu podložnost. Detaljnije usp. Gábor Barta, „The Emergence of the Principality and its First Crises (1526–1606)“, u: History of Transylvania, ur. Béla Köpeczi et al. (Budimpešta: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1994), 258.

[3] Odnosi se na Transilvaniju.

[4] Aluzija na pregovore habsburških poslanika sa sultanom Sulejmanom Veličanstvenim o sklapanju mirovnog sporazuma s kraljem Ferdinandom I. koji su se odvijali u Amasiji, gradu u sjeveroistočnoj Turskoj, tijekom jeseni 1554. godine. Detaljnije usp. Kaya Şahin, Empire and Power in the Reign of Suleyman. Narrating the Sixteenth Century Ottoman World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 132–135.

[5] Palota, utvrda u današnjoj sjeveroistočnoj Slovačkoj.

[6] Siget (mađarski: Szigetvár), grad i nekadašnja utvrda u jugozapadnoj Mađarskoj. Tijekom srednjeg vijeka Siget je bio važna utvrda u sklopu ugarske županije Somogy, uz koju se, zahvaljujući povoljnomu prometnom položaju, razvilo i manje gradsko naselje.

[7] Aluzija na Mohačku bitku, vojni sukob kod Mohača u Ugarskoj koji se odigrao 29. kolovoza 1526. godine i u kojem je brojčano nadmoćnija osmanska vojska, predvođena sultanom Sulejmanom I. Veličanstvenim, porazila hrvatsko-ugarsku vojsku na čelu s kraljem Ludovikom II. Jagelovićem. Osmanska je vojska pod zapovjedništvom sultana i njegova velikog vezira Ibrahim-paše potkraj lipnja 1526. prešla Savu kraj Zemuna te se sastala s postrojbama predvođenima bosanskim i smederevskim sandžakbegovima, Husrev-begom i Bali-begom Jahjapašićem. Nakon osmanskog osvajanja Petrovaradina (15. srpnja) ususret im je krenuo Ludovik II., koji se sredinom kolovoza utaborio na Mohačkom polju. U međuvremenu je osmanska vojska osvojila Ilok i Osijek (14. kolovoza), sagradila velik most na Dravi i prešla u Ugarsku. Glavni zapovjednik hrvatsko-ugarske vojske bio je kaločki nadbiskup Pavao Tomory. U bitki je poginuo velik broj hrvatskih i ugarskih velikaša, a kralj Ludovik utopio se prilikom bijega u potoku Čelej (mađarski: Csele) ne ostavivši nasljednika.

[8] Vjerojatno se odnosi na pobunu Petra Petrovića protiv Ferdinanda I. i ustanak Sekelja ili Sikula, staleške „nacije“ u istočnoj Transilvaniji, koja se 1553. godine zaklela na lojalnost sultanovu štićeniku Ivanu Žigmundu. Detaljnije usp. Barta, History of Transylvania, 257.

[9] Barnaba Bellay spominje se u pismu ugarskog kralja Vladislava II. Jagelovića od 24. studenoga 1515. godine. U njemu kralj moli ostrogonskog nadbiskupa za savjet što da učini jer je Bellay već dvije godine u Carigradu, a sultan još uvijek nije pristao na sklapanje trogodišnjega mirovnog sporazuma, tražeći da ugarski kralj iznova odredi njegovo trajanje. Usp. J. S. (John Sherren) Brewer, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, Preserved in the Public Record Office, The British Museum, and Elsewhere in England, sv. II, dio 1.2. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 313.

[10] Filip II. (Valladolid, 21. svibnja 1527. – El Escorial, 13. rujna 1598.), španjolski kralj i sin Karla V. Habsburškog. Napuljskim kraljem postao je 1554. godine, gospodarom Nizozemske 1555., a nakon abdikacije Karla V. kraljem Španjolske, Sicilije, Sardinije i španjolskoga kolonijalnog carstva.

[11] Temišvar (rumunjski Timişoara), grad u današnjoj zapadnoj Rumunjskoj. Godine 1552. osvojili su ga Osmanlije te je za njihove vladavine bio sjedište istoimenog ejaleta.

[12] Lippa (rum. Lipova), grad u današnjoj zapadnoj Rumunjskoj. Nekad se nalazio u zapadnoj Transilvaniji, a između 1552. i 1559. godine bio je pod osmanskom vlašću.

[13] Riječ je o Egeru, Paloti i Sigetu.

[14] Prema naznakama u tekstu, može se ustvrditi da je riječ o islamskom blagdanu Ramazanskom bajramu (osmanski turski: bayram, praznik, slavlje), odnosno trodnevnom slavlju nakon završetka jednomjesečnog posta ramazana. Datumi koje navode autori izvještaja ne pomažu pri identifikaciji blagdana jer termini islamskih blagdana variraju tijekom godine, s obzirom na to da se temelje na lunarnom kalendaru.

[15] Ovo se očito odnosi na utjecajne dvorske žene, koje su u to vrijeme bile sultanija Hurem i njezina kći Mihrimah, supruga Rustem-paše.

[16] Misli se na Ogiera de Busbecqa.

[17] To jest Juraj Utješenović.

[18] Odnosi se na Velikovaradinski ugovor iz 1538. godine.

[19] Huszt (mađarski: Huszt, ukrajinski i ruski: Xуст), utvrda smještena na rijeci Hustec u zapadnoj Ukrajini. Godine 1526. ušla je u sastav Transilvanije, a Ferdinand I. osvojio ju je 1546. godine.

[20] Mukačevo (mađarski: Munkács, ukrajinski i ruski: Мукачево), utvrda smještena u dolini rijeke Latoricje u zapadnoj Ukrajini. U 16. stoljeću pripadala je Transilvaniji.

[21] Odnosi se na sporazum između Ferdinanda I. i transilvanskih staleža koji je potpisan 19. srpnja 1551. godine u Albi Iuliji.

[22] Košice (mađarski: Kassa), grad na rijeci Hornád, danas u sastavu Slovačke. Tijekom 16. stoljeća Košice su bile važno vojno uporište sjeverne Ugarske.

[23] Odnosi se na španjolskog kralja Filipa II.

[24] U pitanju je Bitka kod Saint-Quentina u sjevernoj Francuskoj, koja se odigrala 10. kolovoza 1557. godine. U toj je bitci španjolska vojska uz potporu engleskih trupa Filipove supruge Marije I. (1516.–1558.) potpuno porazila francuske snage kralja Henrika II. (1519.–1559.). Detaljnije usp. Jean Charpentier i François Lebrun, Povijest Francuske (Zagreb: Barbat, 1999), 127.

[25] Moguće je da je to aluzija na napad koji je između 26. i 27. kolovoza 1557. godine španjolski vojskovođa Fernand Álvarez de Toledo, vojvoda od Albe (1507.–1582.), izvršio na Rim kako bi uplašio francuskog saveznika papu Pavla IV. Detaljnije usp. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, sv. III, 686.

[26] Odnosi se na papu Pavla IV. (pravo ime Giovanni Pietro Carafa), čiji je pontifikat trajao od 1555. do 1559. godine (okolica Beneventa, 28. lipnja 1476. – Rim, 18. kolovoza 1559.). Od 1536. godine bio je napuljski nadbiskup i kardinal. Papi Pavlu III. pomagao je u reformi papinskog dvora. Odbijao je prihvatiti abdikaciju cara Karla V. i izbor Ferdinanda I. za cara Svetoga Rimskog Carstva, a tijekom posljednje faze Talijanskih ratova podupirao je francuskog kralja Henrika II. (1519.–1559.).

[27] Riječ je o Jeanu Cavenacu de la Vigneu, koji je bio francuski poslanik u Porti između 1556. i 1566. godine. Kralj Henrik II. poslao ga je u Carigrad sa zadaćom da osigura intervenciju osmanskog brodovlja u Italiji kao potporu Francuzima u borbi sa španjolskim trupama pod vodstvom vojvode od Albe. Detaljnije usp. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, sv. III, 691–693.

[28] Velika Armenija (latinski: Armenia Maior, grčki: Ἀρμενία Μεγάλη) obuhvaćala je područje koje se prostiralo od Eufrata na zapadu, dijela iračkog Azerbajdžana na istoku te današnje Gruzije na sjeveru, dok su joj južne granice sezale do sjevernog dijela Mezopotamije.

[29] Vjerojatno se misli na onovremeni Bagdadski ejalet, odnosno današnje područje Iraka.

[30] Vjerojatno se odnosi na adresata, habsburškog kralja Ferdinanda I. i njegova nećaka, španjolskog kralja Filipa II.

[31] Kara Hamza-beg, osmanski vojskovođa koji je sredinom 16. stoljeća bio sandžakbeg Sečenjskog (mađarski: Szécsény) i Hatvanskog (mađarski: Hatvan) sandžaka u današnjoj sjevernoj Mađarskoj.

[109]

LXXXVI. Vrančić× and Ferenc Zay× to King Ferdinand, Vol. 4, pp. 300–344.

Summary of the first Istanbul mission’s final activities, August 1557

Summary of the accomplishments and the final activities of emissaries Antun Vrančić×, Ferenc Zay× and Ogier de Busbecq×[1] to the Turkish Sultan Süleyman×. In the month of August, 1557.

To His Most Holy Royal Majesty and our merciful Lord!

Oh most holy and serene King, the two of us, Antun Vrančić× and Ferenc Zay×, on our return wish to reveal to Your Majesty what we had accomplished, together with our colleague, magister Ogier de Busbecq×, during our last diplomatic mission to the Turkish Sultan Süleyman× and his pashas. In this letter we will in succession give all the details, in order for Your Majesty to understand it more completely and easily, [110] instead of being informed orally. Our activities had encountered numerous difficulties and discrepancies. Thus we have to present their course accurately.

Bearing in mind that the Turkish ruler departed from Edirne× to Istanbul× last June, we immediately did what Your Majesty had instructed us to do via his messenger Michael Molnar. Four months had already passed since the arrival of the messenger and since we had done anything. We were afraid that the pashas’ delay – instigated for their own benefit, and to the detriment of Your Majesty – would be viewed as our negligence. In order to finish this as soon as possible, and not being able to close our eyes anymore before the execution of the tasks that had been laid before us, we first of all asked for the reception before Rüstem Pasha× so that we could, as it becomes the duty of an envoy, congratulate him and his ruler on a felicitous return. In the meantime, we decided to remind him of the affairs which we had successfully initiated and which, according to the received instructions, we would like to conclude with all our hearts. When finally, on June 9, thirty two prominent public interpreters had arrived, he sent to us a Pole named Ibrahim and a Hungarian named Ferhad. Initially striving to find out (which was completely obvious) something about the tasks we were assigned, they ultimately declared that the Pasha had said that we need not invest an effort to secure a visitation with him because his doors were open to us as all times. And if we wished to converse about something new, we should have informed him about it; if not, visiting him to discuss old questions that we had discussed in detail a long time ago, will be in vain.

It was not difficult to discern where this was heading and how this matter could have ended if we were to resolve publicly in front of everybody else what we had to resolve in private with Rüstem Pasha×, and without his finding out about it from us or from his people, but through mediators and their people. Thus we replied to the Pasha that, based on the last letters which Your Majesty had sent, he can deduce that we were the same emissaries who had negotiated from the very beginning, and that during the negotiations on this peace we were behaving in the same manner as are now. For that reason we were sent to His Highness the Sultan and to Their Lordships the Pashas and Viziers who are led by Rüstem Pasha× himself. Thereby we ask to be received by the pashas and to be listened to by them, and not by the mediators.

It seemed as if we needed to reply to him in this manner because, prior to the arrival of Michael Molnar, he often declared that we were the old emissaries, and that we did not have any authorization of importance. Therefore Your Majesty should have sent another envoy and with him the authorization which would have been more suitable for concluding a peace treaty.

On the next day, which was June 10, the Pasha fulfilled our request and called us privately to his place. We had officially thanked him and presently declared the following: “Since Your Lordship had read what Your Majesty had written to us beforehand, we suppose that it does not have to be repeated. Your Majesty in his letters wishes to make clear the following matters: firstly, that Your Majesty wants to conclude peace and friendship with his ruler now as strongly as he had wanted four years ago; and secondly, that Your Majesty had approved, commended and confirmed everything that we had arranged with the Turkish ruler, and that we should continue doing this until this entire matter is successfully finished. As regards the conclusion of the peace agreement, we declared to him that we had finally explained in significant detail that, as far as it concerns Your Majesty, the peace should be honorable and acceptable for both sides, but until now we did not receive any answer from them. Now we were finally instructed to take care that we receive an answer. Furthermore, we added something about the trust which Your Majesty confided in the Pasha and pointed out to him in more detail how the entire matter depended on him and that we expected of him that which one expects of a man who had agreed with our cause. In short, we did not omit saying anything of the matters that were useful for our cause and the relentless promotion of our interests.

The Pasha, with a mild expression on his face and not at least anxiously, responded that this was indeed expressed briefly and in haste. Already at the beginning of our meeting he had warned us to be as brief as we could because, after giving us audience, he had to embark on a difficult work and thus could not stay long. With regard to the matter for which we came to see him, we were told an important comment [112] about the situation. He declared that, if we remember, a long time ago, he had stated that their ruler in Hungary× could not cede to Your Majesty any of the territories that belonged to Bud, since at the time the kingdom was still intact. Therefore from now on we should stop worrying about Hungary× and discuss only the matters concerning Austria, Moravia and other regions belonging to Your Majesty, which are in the vicinity of Hungary×, if we wish to relish peace and his friendship. If during this diplomatic mission we were to give an answer which is worthy of his trust and our duty, and if our suggestions were to be deemed worthy of it, he would not spare his efforts to do everything that is in his power, and this without any hidden evil intent. Apart from that, he is not surprised that the German Ogier× had done many big and brave things for the benefit of Your Majesty, whereas the two of his colleagues, Vrančić× and Zay×, had done many things that were not only indecent, but very bad, as well. They are, you see, Hungarians who are together with other Hungarians subject to his rule. In spite of that, the two of them continue to do the same work as Ogier×, not admitting the fact that the supreme rule over them is in the hands of the Turkish ruler.

We wanted to respond to this as best as we could, but we were not able to do it, without inflicting harm to our public duty, especially at the time when the entire matter was still hanging by a thread. Hence we suppressed our urge and replied that we knew very well who we were, but that we were doing only the things which our king had ordered us to do and what we had known was our duty. He did not listen too carefully to this, unless he had feigned it. He added that he did not understand anything else from our words than that we were pleading for a permission to return. He declared that he intended to discuss this with us in detail later. After saying this, he showed us the exit with his hand. We returned to our home full of doubt in the outcome of this entire matter. A few days later, while idly sitting, we succumbed to despair because we did not know what to do. Moreover, we were convinced that he would undoubtedly continue to disregard us and postpone the negotiations over and over again, by making us stay silent. In the meantime, we still did not stop almost daily and consistently demanding of our aforementioned interpreters to deliver our complaints. But since we accomplished little with this action, on June 20, we decided to address the pashas in the Divan in written form: bearing in mind that [113] two months had passed since the arrival of the messenger of Your Majesty, whom they asked for themselves, and that they did not call for us to negotiate on what was now expected of us, we are overwhelmingly afraid, if we were to continue to stay idly silent, that everyone were to resent us for not taking care of our tasks and of the goal of the mission, and this equally be the pashas, as well as Your Majesty. Thus we wholeheartedly beg of them to finally give us a chance to come for a talk in order to agree in due time that which has to be agreed upon, and to conclude an agreement so that, after so much procrastination and waiting, something unforeseen would not to happen at the borders, for which one would blame first of all us officials, and then His Majesty, our king and lord. It seemed to us that this incentive was not in vain because on the 28th of the month of June, against all our expectations, the Pasha finally ordered us to come to the court with the gift which we had previously written to him about, announcing, moreover, that he would take us to the sultan.

Thus arriving at the court and giving a present as it befits the honor and reputation of Your Majesty, according to the international legal custom, we first met with the pashas, to whom we addressed the following. We declared that the whole world, and especially the pashas and their ruler, know very well for how long and how persistently and honestly had Your Majesty persevered in his wish and request to conclude a peace treaty with their sultan. As Your Majesty from a long time ago and until the present day had always been disappointed in his hopes and demands, howsoever sincere and benevolent these were, he finally decided to find out, through our mediation, if the mentioned peace were to be approved or not. This was the main reason why he had sent us his messenger with a letter in which he most stringently orders us – if in the aforesaid manner, of which we had informed you many times before, Your Majesty is not granted a peace – to demand of you to release us even if we do not obtain peace at all, and to return home, all of us. Endeavoring to fulfil this order from His Majesty, we presented it to them with honor and respect. Therefore we plead of the pashas, if they nowise wish to allow the conclusion of a peace with their ruler, to at least transmit our request to His Highness and to plead on our behalf before His Highness for us to receive, apart from safe passage as our guarantee for Your Majesty, release from further duties and to dis - [114] charge us gracefully, in order not to spend more time and power by waiting here needlessly, because thus we would utterly embitter His Highness at home.

Rüstem Pasha× responded to this by saying that he was astonished that, although we had been incessantly hearing from them that their ruler did not wish to cede anything that had previously belonged to Buda× in the Kingdom of Hungary× to Your Majesty, we still did not stop talking about this. He asked us the following: “Did you ever read or see that the rulers had after some time given to their enemies the kingdoms and regions that they had conquered? In which manner do you ask for the friendship of our Sultan who had conquered with his own sword and stomped with the hooves of his own horse the kingdom which you strive to keep in your power and under your jurisdiction?” He declared many similar things. At the very end, he advised us to carefully reconsider what had been said to us and to accept it without hesitation and to agree on it if we ask for and wish for a peace which was in conformity with his will and the will of his ruler.

In order to evade questions that could have incited new and even more far-reaching confrontations, and because there was nothing else left for us to do than to stop focusing on the problem of Hungary×, we shortly replied that, since the forces of their ruler had entered Hungary× with the consent of its ruler, Your Majesty had been holding Hungary× peacefully and by mutual agreement, and at first only as a sign of friendship for the sake of good-neighborly relations, then in the form of an alliance, and finally accompanied by an honorary tribute. Afterwards, Your Majesty had often pleaded their ruler through messengers, but also via letters, to grant him permission to keep Hungary× in his possession the way he has been keeping it until the present day, and to be able to possess it even when Transylvania× was to be ceded to John’s son× in accordance with the will of His Highness.[2] If Transylvania× was to be ceded to John’s son× just to please His Highness, does it mean that in the future Your Majesty would not have any rights in Hungary×? How could Your Majesty be honorably or justly driven out of Hungary×, especially bearing in mind that you [115] do not wish for this right to be transferred to anybody else, as you want us to negotiate about it with the Pasha before His Highness and conclude the peace treaty that has been mentioned so many times before? And finally, as regards the Hungarian question, Your Majesty is not an enemy of His Highness. Owing to the four-year efforts for the conclusion of peace, this is already clear to the whole world, and well known to them and to their ruler. Besides, in this was Your Majesty wishes to openly confirm that he has no intention of giving up the friendship with His Highness. Since His Majesty aspires so much and strives to be generous toward His Highness, he will never digress from this aim on his own free will, but only if he was forced to.

Adding quickly and in confusedly that in that case, after seeing us who are so diligent in our intention, everyone would begin to bother the Sultan, he finally declared that Your Majesty had already offered all the reasons, and is offering them daily, due to which His Highness cannot be his friend as he would want to, because Your Majesty does not wish to conform to his will.

We added that Your Majesty had not hitherto offered any reasons for war, and that you have earlier resorted to arms only to defend yourself and your possessions, without any intention to cause damage to others’. How much had Your Majesty taken care to comply with the will of His Highness, is primarily reflected in him ceding Transylvania×, and not giving up on his wish to ask for peace and friendship from His Highness, in spite of the fact that the hostile behavior of his neighbors is endangering him even today and forcing him to take up arms. Therefore His Highness can easily grant Your Majesty what he asks for, that is, let him keep the part of the kingdom that extends to the Transylvanian borders and which he had kept until the present day. Apart from the glory of the victories which he had won through arms, His Highness would thus acquire greater acclaim through generosity. It will augment his honor and benefit even more if he were to decide to install on the one side of the country[3]John’s son×, and the other side to concede to Your Majesty and to proclaim both as his friends.

They did not reply to this specifically, but stood up and took us to the Sultan. As soon as we were granted permission to speak, which we expected before so ea - [116] gerly – and now we were offered an extremely favorable opportunity to orally address the Sultan himself and converse with him seriously about the essence of the entire matter – Ogier× (whom we had authorized to speak concerning our demands) declared the following: “Our most serene king, the greatest and mightiest ruler, extends to Your Highness a cordial greeting and wishes him all the luck! He sends him also presents in order for Your Highness to realize that His Majesty does not lack nor will he ever lack the will to honor Your Highness. His Majesty asks of His Highness lasting peace and friendship. As His Majesty had previously at the behest of His Highness ceded Transylvania× to the son of King John×, His Highness did not hesitate to cede to His Majesty the rest of Transylvania× under the obligation to pay the honorary annual tribute. There is nothing so difficult which His Majesty would consider impossible to arrange with such a great and magnanimous ruler. If he cannot acquire it, and we do not ask for other than that, we kindly beseech His Highness to allow us, the emissaries, to return happily and soundly to our lord the King and to our homeland which we have been coveting for so long, according to international law and the right of free passage which would be granted by Your Highness, in conformity with his extremely praiseworthy custom.”

Although the Sultan had listened to this very carefully and with a kind and benevolent expression on his face, the expression he constantly demonstrated to us – and it seemed as if he would have allowed us to speak even longer if we had wanted it – we were nevertheless afraid that the audience could have ended differently, bearing in mind the excruciating and unpleasant negotiations in Amasya×.[4] In order not to be dragged into complying with their wishes and satisfying their will again, we decided to expose the mere state of affairs in only a few words. Although we would have been glad to have had the opportunity to add more comments, it would have been a mere distraction, because they usually do not accept [117] anything that is not in conformity with their wishes. Hence we did not wish to cast any shadow on the matter itself, and we thus let the things which we had intended to say easily take root in his soul through their simplicity. After benevolently hearing out our speech and waiting for the interpreter’s translation, he shortly responded that he would receive us anew and give us our answer.

Five days later, that is, on July 3, we were called upon to visit Rüstem Pasha×, who then conversed with us calmly and kindly for almost an hour. Finally we touched upon the terms of the peace agreement which we had mentioned in our former letter on Eger×, Palota×[5] and Szigetvár×.[6] First he was jumping [118] from one topic to another, and then, with some cunning plan on his mind, he began quoting the word from the aforementioned letter and stated the following suggestion: if it is true that Your Majesty confides so much in his intercession and friendship, as we had attested on numerous occasions, and are attesting as we speak, it would be really appropriate if Your Majesty would accept his advice, and for us too, if we wish to act for the benefit of Your Majesty, to confide in him. We do not need to repeat this and similar topics about which we had written to him in detail in the last letter because he had understood everything well, but he wanted to question us more carefully about the matters which we had not mentioned in that letter. Furthermore, the fact that the agreement had not been concluded until the present moment should be attributed to our stubbornness because we did not [119] want to listen to him, although we had always been appropriately warned. Finally he threatened us that we could expect his Sultan the following year in Hungary× with his entire army if we do not accept their conditions concerning the three locations that had been mentioned on numerous occasions. If we are wise, we should have done what was advised. In this manner we would have taken best care for the welfare of Your Majesty, as well for peace and security of his subjects.

Wholeheartedly and without hesitation, we replied on the matter of his threats of war, but tried to evade further disputes which we had often had with them, and left the decision on the outcome of the war to God, whose omniscience controls and upholds the Christian cause. At the same time, we added that nobody knows better what is good for Your Majesty, for peace and security of his subjects, better than Your Majesty and his subjects themselves. However, by submitting us to the instructions of our Lord and King, we do not strive to be wiser than him, but endeavor to understand, realize and presume that which we believe the King wants. We are the subjects of Your Majesty who chose him for their king through a public oath, had subjected themselves to his faith and his administration, and in return Your Majesty had promised to offer them all of his protection and freedom that belongs to them on the basis of an ancient right of nations. Equally so, the subjects of Your Majesty consider that they can enjoy their peace and lasting security, acknowledged and distributed by him, only under the rule of their Christian ruler. From this emanates the fact that Your Majesty cannot desert his loyal subjects for no reason, nor can the subjects leave His Majesty, bearing in mind that they swore an oath of fidelity to him. Since they were granted Eger×, Palota× and Szigetvár× by Your Majesty, as well as places located within this borderline, would Your Majesty deserting them be the same if he had deserted entire Hungary×, bearing in mind that from the city of Vienna× and from the borders of the estates still under his rule he can only see what which is within the range of an arrow? They themselves know very well that it is impossible for Your Majesty to commit such an act because he very enviously guards and protects his possessions. Thus we, who remember very well the wishes of Your Majesty, cannot and do not dare to think or talk about it.

[120] Passing over everything else that we had said, he then inquired if our king was elected and if their emperor did not become the master of the entire Kingdom of Hungary× after he had defeated King Louis×[7] (they are often denigrating Your Majesty because they cannot stand neither the fact that you are the lawful King of Hungary×, nor the fact that this is your title). Thus we were again forced to touch upon the customs and rights of certain Christian kings during their election process. We also added something concerning the mode of inheritance and informed him thoroughly, although in only a few words, on the fact that Your Majesty has in his possession the Kingdom of Hungary× according to both the civil and the canon law, and that you cannot be dethroned from the Hungarian throne without causing great damage to both, you and to his serene sons. And if Your Majesty, on the basis of your right and owing to the magnanimity of his ruler, can remain in the mentioned Kingdom of Hungary× at peace, free and with the obligation of paying the annual honorary tribute as he had done until now, we will begin determining the sufficient and appropriate conditions for the conclusion of a peace agreement between Your Majesty and His Highness, which we had been demanding for a long time with sincere intentions. The treaty would rightfully have to be concluded for a period of four years, especially if Transylvania×, according to the wishes of His Highness, is to be given to John’s son. Furthermore, as we had declared before, His Highness will no longer be denied the honorary annual tribute, whose paying was interrupted for two years due to the war which was initiated by the neighbors.[8] Of course, this would be [121] realized only if this friendly request is to be answered in the same way.

It seemed to us that he wanted to respond to this quickly. Hence he immediately very angrily began to talk about a two-year cessation of the paying of the honorary tribute. He declared that Your Majesty is rightfully obliged to pay it according to his duty. Therefore it his own fault that he was prevented from paying it. But soon he passed onto another topic. We do not know if this happened owing to the Beylerbeyi of Greece, or if he did it out of forgetfulness, or on purpose. He returned to the topic which was not important at all, and it concerned our position, as he wished to know the reason for our persistent requests to be discharged. He inquired of us if he had to increase our provisions in order for us not to lack anything, expressly assuring us that their ruler would furnish us with all sorts of grain and fodder necessary for our needs and the nourishment of our livestock. He told us many similar things, and it was barely suitable for his rank, especially before the Beylerbeyi as a witness.

In order to respond appropriately, especially in the presence of such a distinguished witness, we replied that we have been so diligently asking for a discharge because we had promised it to Your Majesty, since we had spent so much time here in vain, and it seems that we did not accomplish anything regarding the conclusion of the peace. Although we wish to express our deepest gratitude to His Highness and to His Lordship the Pasha him [111] self for a kind reception, our duty is to eat and drink at home. We did not come here to eat and drink, but to negotiate peace. Regardless of whether we would conclude it or not, in the end we will return to Your Majesty.

He visibly blushed but still began to smile, turning the whole affair into a joke. Glancing both at us and at the Beylerbeyi, he responded that he did not say those words in order to reprove us or because he did not know that we had enough provisions at home, but because it is accustomed among all nations to make clear to the envoys how the masters of the country to which they were sent view their rulers. This happened in our case too, because it is not our interest that is at stake, but the interest of our king. Therefore it is needed that we understand all and to be pleased with it, and not to be bothered with the [122] postponement of our discharge at all. Many still retain the memory of a certain Hungarian envoy who had spent full seven years here, in order for them to come to the agreement agreeable to both sides. Today the same is being done with us.

Since we had been hearing this many times from the interpreter, we did not want to pass over it without commenting, in order not to seem as if we believed he was right to mention this case. Thus we added that this, as he said it himself, we know very well, and that the Hungarians still remember the detention of their envoy named Barnabas Bellay×,[9] which gravely offended and saddened them. Hence they are afraid that the same as in this old case, which is not laudable at all, might happen to us too. For that reason we confide so much both in the right of passage and in the word and benevolence of such a notable ruler. Furthermore, we believe this should not happen due to both justice and international law.

Thereupon he reiterated everything relating to the five-year truce, the Transylvanian question and the Malvezzi× case, which happened during our stay, and similar foreign policy events. Then he started a discussion, striving to prove that the cause for all these interventions was not the hostility of his ruler toward Your Majesty. He declared that his ruler did not conclude this armistice with Your Majesty and His Imperial Majesty[10] out of his own necessity or benefit, i.e., out of the necessity or benefit of his subjects, but aiming to secure the safety and peace for the Venetians, the Ragusans, the Genoese and others who inhabit islands and coasts, and who are partly Sultan’s allies, partly his friends. We probably know little about the aforementioned nations because the weapons of Their Majesties usually do not attack Christians, but he wished to mention it anyway. He [123] added to this that this peace had not been broken by his ruler, but by Your Majesty, and this subsequently caused the conflict relating to Transylvania×, Malvezzi’s troubles, and finally our prolonged stay, as well as numerous other unrests at our borders. Finally, laying the entire blame on Your Majesty, he declared that in the future you should not be trusted at all, and that you should not be given anything in Transylvania×. Furthermore, neither we nor Your Majesty have any rights regarding our freedom, life and death, since those are in the hands of his ruler, and if we do not make an effort to obtain the right of passage from him, nothing will help us anymore. He gave us this right for six months, and since this period had expired, they decide – and will decide hereafter – about it, as far as it will suit their ruler.

After ending the discussion in such a harsh manner, he thanked the Beylerbeyi, but we did not know if he was serious or was only pretending. The other head interpreter assured us that he certainly did this with a pretense, in which we doubted. In order for him not to think that we had lost courage due to such an awful status of our task, and that we were still keeping secret what we were allowed to accept in case [124] of emergency, we replied to him more energetically, as people who are arrogant due to their power, and who must not give up until the very end, out of any hope or shrewdness. So if their ruler, when he had invited us, were to have clearly written those words to Your Majesty, the Pasha must know that Your Majesty would have sent us here with a completely different intent, if at all. As for those who had broken the five-year truce, who caused the conflicts between Your Majesty and His Highness the Sultan, we have already proved that they should be looked for among their neighbors. Therefore, we do not deem necessary to shed light on the truth in this conflict so many times anew, the conflict of which we were never given the opportunity to speak until now, so this time we have intentionally kept silent about it. If, however, Your Highness were to accuse us of causing the past unrests, which are of no interest to us, and deprive us – us to whom you have given your word that you will discharge us free and safe irrespective of whether the peace agreement is concluded or not – of the right to free passage and deny us the credentials which brought us to You free, safe and sound, let Your Highness (who is, in fact, the master of our destiny) be mindful of the grounds for such a decision, and ascertain whether you could do it justly, honorably and without any harm to your name and reputation.

As the Pasha was preparing to reply to this, the Beylerbeyi had left, due to which he abandoned this topic. Finally he started to simultaneously warn us and encourage us declaring that, if we wished to validly advise Your Majesty, we were to listen to his advice. And as we have persevered in our intent, and he did not give up on his, he discharged us, adding that he would inform his ruler about all of this.

After carefully considering the attitude of Rüstem Pasha× during our talks, and having been given hope in form of advice of some notable persons in public and private circles, who stated that, in any case, we had to express all our opinions before the Divan, it seemed to us too that something positive could still come out of this. But what had happened so far and what would happen in the future betrayed all our hopes. While this was happening, news broke about the arrival of a Persian envoy. The news about it completely disappeared after the Sultan’s return. After [125] wards the envoys of John’s son arrived, and demanded Timişoara×[11] and Lippa×,[12] which were within the borders of the Transylvanian territory ceded to John earlier. Finally we started despairing concerning our discharge, believing that this would surely produce new obstacles. Therefore we wholeheartedly strived to find out what had gotten in the way of our mission. We accidentally met with interpreter Ibrahim, who we asked with utmost caution if he knew what had been the cause of such unexpected events. He replied that he did not know, and that we should not hope to achieve anything if we do not give the pashas the answer relating to their inquiry about the three fortresses[13] before we are called to the Divan. He believed that they could meet us half way if we were to inform them in writing about our tasks. Rüstem Pasha× stated the conditions regarding Eger×, Palota× and Szigetvár× in order to expose his expectations relating to Your Majesty’s response. Finally he advised us to think about what we were supposed to do, in our lodgings, for two or three days. However, we intended to demonstrate that all the conditions of Your Majesty had been trampled, as well as our request which we had put forward before them numerous times, and that, both in the beginning as well as recently, we had discussed everything on the basis of the instructions given to us by Your Majesty. Also, we did not want to give them any hope that at present moment we could abandon our given goal. If they were to promise Your Majesty even the slightest peace in the kingdom and also accept a peace agreement, we declared that we would not wait a single moment, but would immediately be ready to reply because we are responding according to our instructions.

So, by adhering to the advice of the interpreter, we started preparing our departure diligently and without hesitation, and on July 12 we sent a letter to the Pashas: bearing in mind that we had responded to their recently stated suggestions in detail and definitively, they should not expect any further responses from us and opinions relating to this. Since they had [126] denied us what we had asked of them so many times from the very beginning, and on the basis of their own promises, we kindly ask of Their Serene Lordships to finally deign to ask of His Highness, their ruler, a response with the consent for what (as we had declared) we had pleaded for all this time, or at least an honorable discharge according to the kind promise by His Highness. Not only the lengthy stay during which we were kept here in vain, but both divine and human righteousness incontestably ask for such procrastination to finally come to an end.

We did not find out what the pashas had decided to do with us after our letter was read at the Divan, because no one bothered to inform us about their response. Only the çavuşbaşı – who had carried away our letter, and who according to international law used to carry out tasks of the Divan during the sessions of this supreme institution which consisted of pashas – informed us on his own behalf that the pashas declared that they would address our issues soon. Since we were not pleased with this response, we annoyed the interpreters by asking them to tell us what the pashas had said of our letter, and why they did not send us a reply. Since they did not know what they could reveal to us, according to the orders of the pashas, and in the meantime the news about our departure began to spread throughout the city, it was decided that the pasha will inform us that we would soon be free to depart. The pashas, in fact, had waited for two things: firstly, the celebration of the Bayram[14] which was nearing, and second, the arrival of the Persian envoy who was also approaching. As regards the latter, they believed that the same would happen as in Amasya×, that is, that we would, being afraid of Persian power, and them being afraid of us, strive to force each other to accept our own expectations. The second reason was the feast which used to be prepared publicly, at the court, for the envoys with which they would conclude a peace treaty before their departure. This was now precluded by religion, because before the Bayram they had the custom of eating only by night. Although it was maybe not [127] because of these reasons, because there must have been something more important at stake than this matter which we considered completely meaningless, we cursed the fact that, due to the feast which lasted one or at least two hours, we had to wait for such an important matter. Since not attaining what we came for was not an option, and there was no way or instrument by which to attain it, which compelled us to a lengthy stay, we believed that they were keeping us here primarily because of the aforementioned reasons. We waited for twelve days until finally, just before the Bayram, we addressed the pashas in writing, stating that we did not want to bother them with many words, but just shortly plead them to remember our departure and to respond according to the promise given to us by the Sultan, because we did not have anything left to wait for here.

Since they did not reply to our plea for three days, we believed it was due to the celebration of the Bayram, which was their most important and practically only holiday during the entire year. On the first day of August we began to worry again, so we wrote a few words to interpreter Ibrahim. We asked him to read our letter and go see the Grand Vizier privately, and ask on our behalf whether he could intercede for our discharge. He knows that such a lengthy detention of ours is undeserving and without any use for our common affairs, which both himself and his ruler must have taken into consideration and understood by now. Afterwards we told the interpreter not to hesitate and to immediately inform us about everything he might be ordered to convey to us.

The interpreter was late in performing his duty, because in the meantime the Persian envoy had arrived in Üsküdar. After he had returned home from the Divan, on that same day, the Pasha called for us. He addressed us with these words: “Whenever you had pleaded of His Highness, my ruler, for peace and for your release, I have accomplished both for you with the biggest possible effort and strain. I did it without the knowledge of my colleagues, other pashas, and with the incessant contribution and sympathy of the women,[15] throughout this lengthy period that you have spent here. I waited and searched for [128] opportunities to soften the heart of my ruler who is against your release. There is no doubt that I would have accomplished it this time as well, if you had listened to my advice, and I could also have persuaded him to accept the conclusion of the peace agreement. But if the Szigetvár× fortress were not to be razed, the mentioned peace agreement cannot be concluded under any condition. The fortress has always been protected and still is protecting hajduks and brigands who are pillaging far and wide the borders of my ruler, who cannot tolerate it anymore. Therefore he had decided that Szigetvár× must be destroyed completely, either by force of arms or according to the stipulations of the peace treaty.

Therefore let your colleague Ogier× stay here until the entire matter is finished, and take care about the matters that would happen in the meantime. As for the two of you, Vrančić× and Zay×, he had ordered you to go to your king and tell him the following: His Highness wishes for the garrison and ammunition to be removed from the Szigetvár× fortress as soon as possible, and for it to be destroyed and razed to the ground. After that, send the emissaries again and with them the honorary tribute for the two years during which its payment had been discontinued. Only then will the conditions for the conclusion of the eternal peace, which had existed in the former peace treaty, be fulfilled. Therewithal, the Sultan will keep under his rule parts of Hungary× he holds today, within the borders that will subsequently be defined between his territory and Your King’s territory. The Sultan will negotiate the amount of the future annual tribute, which he wishes to increase, as well as other issues relating to the peace treaty, with the envoys sent by the King and with the one who will remain here,[16] of course, under the condition that Your King accepts these stipulations.

Dissatisfied with these conditions, which were completely contrary to Your Majesty’s instructions, our facial expression revealed significant anxiety, thus expressing our attitude toward the completely inappropriate and unjust conditions. Before replying, we wanted to inform ourselves better about the outline of the borders he had mentioned. Therefore we had asked for an opportunity to explain in greater de - [129] tail what was ascertained many times before: which borders their ruler had promised to Your Majesty by ceding Transylvania× to John’s son, under which conditions the mentioned peace treaty between His Highness and Your Majesty needed to be concluded, and what Your Majesty thought about the destruction of Szigetvár×. Afterwards we inquired about the pace at which the mentioned borders had to be set. He responded by saying that his ruler wished for Your Majesty to freely and peacefully keep under your rule what you hold today in the Kingdom of Hungary×, as he himself and his subjects, who have the same rights, will keep their possessions. Commissioners chosen on both sides among the fair and notable people who know very well the problem and the legal status of the kingdom will be in charge of the process of demarcation.

By following the instructions given by Your Majesty, the next day we discussed two topics: our discharge, following the conclusion of an honorable peace agreement which we asked for, or without it, in the event we are offered something that is not just and honorable. In this respect we declared that we had expected of His Highness more fairer conditions for the conclusion of the peace treaty than the ones which he had proposed. Besides, his insistence on, on the one hand, decreasing Your Majesty’s borders by force and with the help of rebels, and on the other, on gaining even more territory through the peace treaty, is nothing more than setting an obvious obstacle to the conclusion of the peace agreement. Such narrowing of Your Majesty’s borders and the proclamation that the takeover and return of his possessions is subject to his military force, is totally contrary to his given word, which His Highness had given to Your Majesty at the beginning of the negotiations on the conclusion of the mentioned peace agreement. At the time when we had arrived here in order to conclude the peace treaty, the Sultan promised Your Majesty to give him the part of Hungary× which he had owned hitherto, if he were to cede Transylvania× to John’s son. Encouraged by the benevolence and friendship of His Highness, and relying on his word completely, Your Majesty immediately sent your envoys to him for the conclusion of a peace treaty. In so doing, you hoped that, after Transylvania× had been ceded to John’s son, His Highness would keep his word which he had giv - [130] en regarding Hungary×. We have proposed such mode of cession of Transylvania× to His Highness publicly at the Divan. If His Lordship the Pasha were to recall the manner and words which we used to express this proposal, he would remember that it was only under the condition that his ruler allows Your Serene Majesty free and undisturbed possession of Hungary× up to the borders of Transylvania×, provided that within those borders are Gyula× and Nagyvárad× and some other places. Furthermore, it is clear that the territory of Transylvania× does not include, or has ever included locations formerly held by Brother George×[17] or anyone else. Since Transylvania× was asked for on behalf of the boy, from the start Your Majesty considered this request to refer to Transylvania× only, which you had returned to the Sultan owing to the protest made by us, his emissaries. If His Highness were not to cede Hungary× to Your Majesty in return, we declared then, just as we have declared many times before, that for us such cession of Transylvania× would be in vain, worthless and redundant. Even now we do not ask of His Highness anything else than to let His Majesty possess Hungary× in the same borders in which it was promised to him. Only in this way will His Majesty consider the mentioned peace agreement to be fair for him, and for His Highness the fairest possible. If His Highness were to prove this in the mentioned manner, we will, as emissaries and officials of His Majesty, put our signature on it. If not, we openly declare that we are not compliant with the proposed conditions, which we do not even dare to bring before Your Majesty, because you had explicitly instructed us to return with unfinished work if we could not obtain a peace agreement which would include unimpaired borders of the kingdom, according to the Sultan’s promise. Therefore we immediately demand two things: if His Highness wished to conclude a peace agreement, let him conclude it without delay, because the time had run out. And if he does not wish it, let him deign to do that too without delay. By order of Your Majesty, we are ready for both possibilities, but none of us is allowed to stay here if the peace agreement is not to be concluded. And if it is, we were instructed to leave behind the one of us who would finish the work. On this occasion we [131] mentioned the two-year discontinuation in payment of the honorary tribute, declaring that His Highness does not need to burden himself with the payment because we promise that it will without any doubt be immediately paid if the peace treaty is to be concluded according to the promise of His Highness and the wishes of Your Majesty. And if it were to happen otherwise, we cannot promise that it would be paid.

Thereupon the Pasha intervened, saying that his ruler did indeed promise Hungary× to Your Majesty, and that he surely would have abided by this promise if Your Majesty were to have ceded Transylvania× to John’s son when he was asked to do it. Since he actually ceded it only when its inhabitants had already done it, at that moment his ruler was completely exempted of his promise. Nevertheless, he is always free to do as he pleases – namely, to give to ones, take from others, and even to change the benefactors of his possessions. He said many more things similar to this, and he said it quite brazenly, in accordance with his inveterate habit.

We added only a few words, wanting to return to the topic. We declared that His Highness can indeed do with his subjects whatever he pleases, but he should treat his friends in a different manner. Our King is a friend of His Highness, and thus our King asked of His Highness a just and honest peace treaty, according to the promises which he had received from His Highness, as from a friend and an ally ruler. Your Majesty did not promise to cede Transylvania× maliciously, or with hostile intentions. But by confiding in the friendship for which he believed that His Highness had nourished toward him, he strived for a long time to keep Transylvania× under his rule and this by providing it with its freedom more than by subjugating it with his weapons. If he were to have wanted to use his armed force, would he not defend this region from his enemies who were left with only one, or at most with two fortresses, until they too were ordered to surrender to the mercy of Your Majesty? By not mentioning the remaining conditions, we arrived to the very end, returning to the question of Szigetvár× and other issues that we needed to resolve. We declared that the demand for the destruction of Szigetvár× will be totally unacceptable to Your Majesty.

The Pasha replied to this by saying: “If His Majesty will not accept this, there will be war. If my ruler [132] would wage war against Hungary×, how could Szigetvár× and the rest of Hungary× withstand him, when the entire world trembles at his power? Therefore His Majesty must fear of losing the entire kingdom because of one fortress. And you, who are wise men, ponder this well, and think about it, and advise your King not to cause greatest possible damage due to the loss of one inconsiderable fortress. Since you were given the authority to conclude a peace treaty, beware not to create cause for war, and not to hamper his actions before time.” He added many similar things.

We replied that his ruler is very powerful indeed, and that he always has the possibility to wage war against whomever he wishes. Although our rulers tend to wage wars for their own protection and benefit, we still have always tried sincerely to gain their friendship rather than to cause enmity. This we wish to do now too, thus we are striving to find out what your ruler thinks about this. But we do not have the authorization to do anything except what was trusted to us, and what we know would be useful and honorable for Your Majesty. If the Pasha thus cannot say anything more acceptable concerning Szigetvár× and the mentioned Hungarian borders, we ask him for the permission to return to Your Majesty, to whom we will not convey anything about the peace conditions, but will only say to him that we have returned without concluding the peace treaty. For this reason let the three of us be allowed to depart simultaneously.

He replied that he cannot give us more agreeable peace conditions. Thus, if we cannot conclude a new peace treaty and agree on the offered peace conditions, let at least the two of us, Vrančić× and Zay×, relay them to Your Majesty and bring a response to their ruler on Your Majesty’s opinion.

If the two of us simply do not wish to accept this, the Pasha has special people who are in charge of such affairs at his ruler’s court, and who can deliver this message to Your Majesty. We will take care that our demands are carried out precisely, reliably and without delay, and not to seem as if those were a matter of some future peace agreement.

He added that it was not only once, but numerous times that he asked us to convey the mentioned conditions for the conclusion of a peace treaty to Your Majesty. That would have been more appropriate for Your Majesty, his ruler desiring that as well. Moreo - [133] ver, he wishes to know what Your Majesty’s response to the mentioned conditions is, before he is to arrange anything with the Sultan.

Seeing the Pasha’s persistence, we hesitated a bit with our reply, as if we were thinking what to do regarding such an important and unexpected matter. What the Pasha had proposed was, in fact, very difficult and it seemed there was no reliable way of making a decision, especially because we had win an argument with such a wild and arrogant man. We wished for the Pasha to get the impression that we wished to avoid further discussion regarding Szigetvár× and pass to a discussion about other details (as if we had not written about it beforehand to Your Majesty). But he interrupted the conversation and released us, saying that he would talk with us more later, because we had conversed enough during this meeting anyway, but only about Szigetvár×, which we did not want to discuss now, as well as the borders in general. We were very pleased with this respite because it seemed it was done according to the will of his ruler, and that the essence of the words with which he had released us would prepare us better for what we had to do and conclude in the end.

On the eighth day of the month of August, the Pasha called for us. Thereupon he asked us about our decision relating to what he had proposed earlier. We responded that, with regard to the question of Szigetvár× and the borders which His Highness had promised to Your Majesty, we could only reply as we had replied earlier, because we cannot express any other position if we wish to act in accordance with the instructions of Your Majesty. If his ruler had decided for the two of us, Vrančić× and Zay×, to return to Your Majesty in order to learn his opinion concerning the conditions for the conclusion of the peace treaty proposed in the final stages of the negotiations, we would do it, but there is a lot of matters that they have to resolve between themselves and inform us thereof, in order for us to be able to inform Your Majesty more fully about the entire matter. Hence we asked the Pasha what he could tell us regarding Gyula×, Nagyvárad× and other places in the Kingdom of Hungary× located within the borders promised to Your Majesty. Even before we had fought with great diligence for these places, and we are now doing the same, because Your Majesty does [134] not want to relinquish them. This is justified because those had to be given over peacefully to Your Majesty in accordance with the promise given to him by his ruler,[18] this being that he would ensure to him the possession of Hungary× if he cedes Transylvania× to John’s son. Now the word is that, by breaking the stipulations of the Nagyvárad× armistice[19] contrary to every right and righteousness, the enemies of Your Majesty with the help of the Sultan’s forces wish to besiege Gyula× in the same manner as they had taken the fortress of Huszt×.[20] In so doing they took into account neither the armistice nor the Sultan’s promise to defend the borders of all kingdoms and regions of Your Majesty at the time of the negotiations about the mentioned peace agreement.

He replied that all those usurpations and destruction, which happened after our arrival at the Sublime Porte, were caused by the neighbors of Your Majesty. They had done all of this in a just war, which in the meantime had also been led – as it had been by You [135] - by the neighbors of Your Majesty, without missing any chance to fight wherever and whenever possible. Therefore let Your Majesty deem lost that which was lost at that time. His ruler did not have the intention to cede it to Your Majesty, because everything that he had gotten possession of in Hungary× or Transylvania× on behalf of John’s son, he[21] considers being under his jurisdiction and his rule, now and in the future.

Thereupon we asked him when his ruler’s promises given to Your Majesty will enter into force, and if at that time Your Majesty had held Transylvania×, and now even Hungary× is being taken from him, although it was, in accordance with the Sultan’s promise, in his hands entirely, and Your Majesty had had it under his rule at the time when he had sent us on this mission to Turkey×.

He briefly replied that this had been discussed before, and that our effort and words are in vain. Your Majesty has to be content with the territory ceded to him by his ruler. The Sultan would have denied him this territory too if the Pasha had not, together with the women, personally vouched for Your Majesty.

Thereupon we asked him what we should do regarding the fortress of Huszt× and the assets of the rebels. The usurpation of Huszt× was extremely detrimental for the establishment of armistice, and the broken promise was shameful for his ruler. The possessions and the goods of the rebels should not have been taken from Your Majesty, even though the rebels had wanted to break the oath of loyalty to Your Majesty. This is the kingdom of Your Majesty and therefore he can always replace the dishonest and disloyal ones with honest and loyal ones.

The Pasha responded that his ruler wished for the assets of the rebels to be treated in the same way as other goods that belong to John’s son. Furthermore, his ruler must not refuse and leave unprotected anyone who would reach for his help. Therefore we should not discuss this either, because his ruler will never return to Your Majesty that which we so persistently demand, because by doing so he would violate the customs of his ancestors.

[136] Thereafter we passed onto the issue of Mukachevo×.[22] We inquired whether he recalled that this fortress was never captured in war, but was ceded to Peter Petrović× according to an agreement[23] in exchange for Transylvania× and Timişoara×. Since the agreement was negotiated with the Queen and her son, divine and human righteousness necessitates that the fort be returned to Your Majesty, since Your Majesty expressed his gratitude to his ruler for Transylvania× of his own free will.

He added that he was not adequately informed about the issue of Mukachevo×, and that we should have discussed it with Ahmed Pasha. When Your Majesty sends new envoys for the conclusion of a peace agreement, let them inform him about it, and then will the right and just decision be made regarding this fortress. He, in fact, does not know how this fortress could be returned to Your Majesty since it was given to Peter Petrović× in exchange for Timişoara×, and it was not Petrović× who had taken Timişoara× from Your Majesty, but the Pasha’s ruler. Thus Mukachevo×, as the Sultan’s fortress, was unjustly given to Your Majesty. Therefore Petrović× cannot be the one to blame. In accordance with this, the fortress of Mukachevo× cannot be asked of him. However, there will come a time to make a decision about it, and we should hurry with these conditions to our King and should take care that he understand the will of his ruler regarding the peace agreement. Therefore let Your Majesty convey the Sultan his reply relating to the mentioned peace treaty as fast as he can.

Although we had exposed everything that was agreed upon with Petrović× concerning his ownership rights over the fortress of Mukachevo×, and even showed a statement written by his own hand, in which he had committed to eternal loyalty toward Your Majesty, for the sake of defending the right of Your Majesty to this fortress, we did not achieve anything because the Pasha postponed this question for some other time. In order to receive the Pasha’s answer on other questions, we declared that we could not postpone our departure to Your Majesty any - [137] more, although even now we see clearly – and we will become sure of it when we arrive before him – what would be the position of Your Majesty regarding the conditions of the peace agreement. We do not see anything that Your Majesty could consent to, since his kingdom is so truncated that it now can be overarched by an arrowshot. Additionally, his ruler asks for an increase in the amount of the honorary annual tribute and a reimbursement for the two years during which it was not being paid. Furthermore, he wishes for Your Majesty to send him this tribute to his Porte before the beginning of the peace negotiations. Due to these reasons we do not know how both these matters would be possible because Your Majesty is forced rather to decrease than to increase the yearly tribute, since the area of his jurisdiction in Hungary× has decreased. Besides, he will not want to send the two-year reimbursement of the tribute before a peace treaty is concluded and made public. We also declared that Your Majesty had promised the unpaid tribute to his ruler not out of necessity, but out of his kindness, and its payment was interrupted by law of war, because Ali Pasha had attacked him with his forces. With this tribute, Your Majesty wanted to demonstrate how much he strived to win the Sultan’s friendship. But the Pasha did not want to hear a word about it, and insisted on the increase of the tribute. He replied that the peace that was promised to Your Majesty will be difficult to realize anyway, and therefore is was necessary to send the unpaid tribute in order for the Pasha to have a strong argument and to be able to negotiate more freely and successfully and obtain a peace treaty from his ruler. Otherwise, he is afraid, if Your Majesty were to miss this chance, everything would be in vain.

When we had seen that nothing is of use, we responded by saying nothing else than what Your Majesty will surely think of the matter.

When the Pasha had mentioned an eternal peace agreement, we asked how we should understand its eternal duration. He replied that it meant that the peace would last until the end of life of Your Majesty or his ruler, namely, until Your Majesty provides some cause for war. Equally, if it was to suit Your Majesty, a shorter period can be defined, which his ruler leaves to the decision of Your Majesty, adding that the peace agreement will be respected as if it was arranged with the French or the Venetians.

[138] Afterwards we have commended his ruler’s attitude and started anew the conversation about Gyula× and Košice×,[24] which we had not mentioned hitherto. But the Hungarian interpreter named Ferhad stopped us from talking about it because the mentioned places were in the hands of Your Majesty so far, and in the offered peace conditions it had been stated that Your Majesty could keep what you had in your possession at the time. So, following his advice, we decided not to mention Košice× because it was hitherto part of the contested Transylvanian borders. But we did not keep silent on the question of Gyula×, trying to arrange for it not to be endangered by enemies, but to be peaceful and free (as it was in the hands of Your Majesty) and under his rule, with the possibility for him to gain everything else, with equal rights, that has not been hitherto returned. The Pasha responded to this by saying what he had said before, that he cannot do what we ask of him in any way. So we disputed about every detail, alternately proposing one thing and dissuading him from the other, but with equal effect. Finally we could not achieve anything except what he had announced to us at the beginning. Equally, he did not leave us any hope, clearly indicating that his ruler could not have been persuaded to accept anything else, at least during this conversation. But in the end he hinted at something relating to Szigetvár×, which we will mention at another place, with which he demonstrated that his ruler will not be completely immitigable.

Seeing his ruler’s perseverance, manifested through bad and unjust peace conditions that the Pasha had proposed to us, although he was usually adamant in his stances, we protracted the meeting, questioning him and opposing him as we had, in accordance with our instructions, done in other matters so far, until making them more favorable. Since Rüstem Pasha× had repeatedly warned us that we would have to stay there as long as we refuse to depart with his suggestions to Your Majesty, we were afraid not to make a mistake that would cause new difficulties for Your Majesty, who had most stringently ordered us to return, even with work unfin - [139] ished. Therefore we insisted with all our might on the request for the release of all three of us because the conditions appropriate for the conclusion of a peace treaty had not been proposed, nor could we hope for something better. So, when the Pasha had declared that all three of us could not return, and that the Sultan had ordered for the two of us to return, and the third one to stay, we suggested that the two of us, Vrančić× and Zay×, be released first. We had agreed to act in this manner beforehand, in case the matter was to evolve in such way. Therefore we addressed the Pasha, saying that the two of us would return to Your Majesty. We are departing according to his order, but fearing not to leave any futile hope that Your Majesty would accept the peace conditions, especially as regards Szigetvár× and the constriction of borders. How are we supposed to go to Your Majesty as easy as the wind, knowing that this would be both to the detriment of our reputation, and to the detriment of Your Majesty’s grace? Therefore we object before the Pasha because we definitely know that Your Majesty will not accept those conditions because they are against his honor and reputation. Besides, we did not accept them, and we have to inform Your Majesty about them, and this not in accordance with our will, but in accordance with his ruler’s order.

Our colleague, magnificent Lord Ogier×, protested in the same manner, declaring that he was not pleased by being thus separated from us while the peace agreement was still not concluded, and when there are not guarantees that it will be concluded. Besides, that was completely and undoubtedly contrary to the instructions of Your Majesty. If a peace treaty were to be concluded, he would not refuse his duty as imposed by force. Therefore, if his ruler does not wish to propose more favorable peace conditions, he too, along with his colleagues, requests a complete discharge. If this were to be denied him, he would constantly protest anew, and will stay here only forcibly and against the will of Your Majesty. Until then, nothing will separate him from his colleagues, irrespective of what was to happen.

After listening to our protest, which, after consultations, we conveyed to him from two sides, the Pasha was disturbed a bit, but nevertheless kindly and courteously encouraged first our colleague, magnificent Lord Ogier×, by saying to him not to worry about the fact that [140] he had to stay here until Your Majesty’s answer is conveyed. Then he addressed the two of us, stating that we should not strive to arrange anything in our favor, but that we should hurry and inform Your Majesty about his ruler’s wishes regarding the peace agreement. As we had written to Your Majesty and mentioned before, in the meantime the Pasha had promised to Lord Ogier complete freedom and not only honorable and friendly, but also brotherly treatment. He added that Your Majesty should have been informed about this as soon as possible, and Your Majesty’s opinion conveyed as fast as possible both to the Sultan and to him personally. We complied, compelled with necessity and, after doing everything in the order which we had exposed here, we departed from his place. We had barely arrived at our lodgings when the Sultan’s gifts had caught up with us, dresses and some money, with the Pasha’s note stating that we must go on our way tomorrow.

And so the next day, as the Pasha had announced, we were taken to the Divan. What we had privately discussed at Rüstem Pasha×’s we declared there before all the pashas. This provided a reason for Rüstem Pasha×, and the other pashas too, to start the argument anew, and not just, like earlier, about Szigetvár×, but about other details too. There too, we strived in vain because all the other pashas agreed with Rüstem Pasha× for Szigetvár× to be destroyed. There too, we were not given an official response on none of our requests, just as Rüstem Pasha× did not respond to us at his home. Since matters were evolving in such a way, there too we protested just as we did at Rüstem Pasha×’s, but a bit more gracefully, taking into account the place and persons present there. Finally we asked them whether we could communicate to Your Majesty something more favorable relating to Szigetvár× and other details, for Your Majesty and their ruler not to consider this diplomatic mission of ours, which had lasted for four years, as being one without any results.

Thereupon Rüstem Pasha× declared: “If your King,” he said, “will have difficult time destroying and completely razing Szigetvár×, which is a small fortress which produces much bigger expenses than is its use, warn your King to try and find a way and means by which to persuade our ruler to allow for Szigetvár× to remain intact.” After hearing this from the interpreter, we were seized by great joy, the more because it was unexpected. But because we doubted the Pasha had uttered pre - [141] cisely these words, before we had answered the Pasha, we asked the interpreter how we should understand this Pasha’s statement. “As a bribe,” he replied, which we liked very much. Since we were striving to find out something more precise from the interpreter, we did not answer Rüstem Pasha× immediately. Ali Pasha added to this: “Absolutely not. Let Szigetvár× be destroyed completely. This is the Sultan’s will and order. A peace agreement cannot be concluded at all as long as this fortress is intact.”

Forthwith we found ourselves in a great dilemma, because we did not know whether Rüstem Pasha× had really said those words, or the interpreter had said what we had wished to hear, and Ali Pasha objected it so powerfully, quickly and obviously. Besides, when we were at Rüstem Pasha×’s home, he did not mention anything like it, not even in passing. We had a slim hope, but believed in it at least a bit; because there was no doubt that Rüstem Pasha×, together with his women, strongly opposed war. As we could notice so far, he also diligently advocated peace with Your Majesty, in hope he would receive the reward that was promised to him, 20,000 gold coins. Whenever we conversed with him in private, he never missed the chance, as if incidentally, to firstly ask us if we remember the promise. Afterwards he confidentially even asked of us not to discuss with other pashas about the things he used to discuss with us freely. Due to this reason he removed interpreter Ibrahim from the last negotiations, whose services we used constantly at that time because of his knowledge of Latin, and he replaced him with Ferhad the Hungarian, in whom he placed more trust regarding his private businesses, than in Ibrahim. Furthermore, Ferhad had assured us many times before that Rüstem Pasha× would have favored losing twenty teeth from his mouth to not receiving 20,000 gold coins he was promised. Since we believed that the Pasha really had said that, we stopped encouraging them to explain what they meant, as well as other matters that they withheld from us, and this first of all because we would strive in vain, and second because we did not want them to reprove us for some malevolence if they were to notice that we had firmly held on to Rüstem Pasha×’s words. Rüstem Pasha× did not utter a word after Ali Pasha’s brusque statement. All of us kept silent for some time, and then they stood up and took us to the Sultan. After customarily kissing his hands, Rüstem [142] Pasha× showed him who was to stay at His Highness’, and who was to return to Your Majesty. As we were not allowed to speak there, we exited.

So, by exposing the course of this mission of ours from the beginning to the end, we touched upon some questions which, by our humble opinion, should be reconsidered. As regards what Rüstem Pasha× had proposed to us at the Divan, for Szigetvár× to be spared for now, we do not dare to claim anything for sure, because there is a very strong and hostile rivalry between Rüstem Pasha× and Ali Pasha. The former is very favored by the Sultan because he himself aspires to peace, while the latter, it seems, wishes war, and that is why he is striving to bring himself to the favor of the Sultan in a comic manner, fearing to publicly show support for our demands for peace. Therefore we posit that the Pasha had wished to inform us intentionally, incidentally and quickly that Szigetvár× might stay intact, in order for us not to completely lose hope regarding this, although the entire matter could obviously lead to war. Perhaps they insinuated this cunningly, partially taking into account the reputation and honor of their ruler, and partially to make it more difficult for us to ensure a positive response regarding this fortress. Maybe they had done it in order to induce us to increase the payment of either the temporary or the regular tribute. Consequently the question of this fortress was postponed, so it would not lead to new pleas for its protection and more ungrudging promises in this regard. Your Majesty will be informed in more detail about it later.

Thus our protests had a twofold purpose. Firstly, for it not to seem that the magnificent Lord Ogier×, who is staying while we are returning, had decided to stay hastily because we were forced by their sultan. Secondly, for Lord Ogier× not to be falsely accused of enmity in the future, because he was taken hostage either because of the two of us, Vrančić× and Zay×, or because of Giovanni Maria Malvezzi×, because they often shamelessly tortured us in this manner before. Ultimately, for Your Majesty to always be free, if the chance occurs, to legitimately retake Transylvania× if the Sultan, after receiving Transylvania× from Your Majesty for John’s son, were not to keep his word regarding Transylvania×, which should stay in the aforementioned borders. Following our protest concerning the agreement proposed by the Sultan him - [143] self, our concession would have been made void if he himself would not keep his promises.

With regard to the proposal for Your Majesty to hereafter freely possess everything that he already has in his possession in the Kingdom of Hungary×, we seriously doubt that it should be considered as being sincere, as it was declared; instead it should be considered in another manner. They want to set borders between themselves and Your Majesty in order for the serfs who had retired from both sides of the border to pay the whole amount of the taxes and their duties to the owners of the estates within these borders, which Your Majesty had specifically forbidden. During our mission, not even a word about this issue was uttered, although they had fought with us over it very often. They used to say that we will not conclude a strong and long lasting peace agreement because the neighbors constantly demand for the peace treaty to be formulated thus, and no differently, because otherwise the abandoned areas cannot be revitalized. Taking into account the shortness of this exposition, we will skip our response to them relating to this. After we had read the translation of the Sultan’s letter to Your Majesty and did not find anything in it except the demand for the destruction of Szigetvár×, we asked the Pasha why he did not take care for all that he had said to us to be included in the letter, especially the permission for Your Majesty to possess in Hungary× what he had in his possession now, and the matter of the two-year cessation of the payment of the honorary tribute. He replied that his ruler wanted to have in writing only that relating to the conclusion of the peace treaty to the greatest extent, while he prefers to communicate the rest via the envoys possessing credentials. Therefore it will be enough for Your Majesty to find this out through us. Nevertheless, we insisted on it to be written too, but he did not want it. Equally so, we were not able to arrange for the sending of his own letter to Your Majesty. He declared that it was not their custom for the letter of slaves to follow the master’s letter. So we gave up on this request.

We discussed among ourselves what to reply if we were to be instructed by Your Majesty, since we had heard and seen many things during our stay with the enemies during these negotiations, to say what we think or feel regarding the peace agreement that is being offered to him, or to answer whether the ene - [144] my really wishes to conclude a peace treaty or not. In the meantime, reliable news arrived of the victory of the serene King Philip×[25] in France,[26] as well as in Italy×,[27] and the news that the Pope[28] and the French King intended to negotiate with him about the conclusion of a peace agreement. The French envoy[29] was urgently sent to his King, and the Persian envoy had arrived. As we had found out from the Hungarian interpreter and from some other trustworthy persons, the Persian envoy first asked for the conclusion of a trade agreement between Turkish and Persian nation. Afterwards he asked for some fortified places in Greater Armenia,[30] the demarcation of borders on both sides, and finally, for his son to be given the Sanjak of Babylon.[31] If this were to be approved, he offered strong and lasting peace agreement. In the event of the contrary, he threatened to consider the mentioned peace agreement in different terms.

Since a letter came from Your Majesty demanding our release, the conclusion of a peace agreement was not possible, and moreover, news were arriving from many sides of war preparations for this year; all of this was, rumor has it, the greatest incentive for the enemy to release us or anyone else with any task, as far as there [145] was any use from it. When the enemy had added up all of this, and was also very worried regarding what might happen if the French were to exit the alliance with him, he immediately sent the French envoy to his King, and us to Your Majesty, and this with a hidden intent. He promised to the French King, of course, the sun and the moon and two terrific wars, on land and sea, as his help against common enemies, in order for the French King not to make peace with them anew. To Your Majesty, however, he offered a disingenuous and dishonorable peace with useful conditions, as we had found out from different sources, so that he could, following the conclusion of the mentioned peace treaty, spend the rest of the time until the end of this year without war for which he was not prepared. In the meantime, during winter he would question and assess the attitude of the French, so that he could finally decide whether to conclude a peace agreement with Your Majesty or not. If the Sultan were to think that the French could decline the alliance with him and bring a more healthy decision concerning this matter, we could undoubtedly hope for peace under more favorable conditions. And if the opposite were to happen, and the French were to fall for Turkish promises, one has to take into account that the Sultan could withdraw even that which he had now offered, relying on the stability of the friendship with the French. Not only the two of us, but our colleague too, magnificent Lord Ogier×, is of the same opinion, as well as all who care for the happiness and serenity of both of Your Majesties.[32] As we had written many times before, this year many things that had worried the Sultan, our enemy, happened, and had forced him to sit at his home with the illusion of his own power, and frighten his enemies with his army forces, as he had done during the last four years. The biggest damage to his brazenness would surely be done through the loss of trust by the French. This was the only instrument available to him for the destruction of Christian rulers and the unity of countries, and he will continue to use it without any obstacle and difficulty as long as he will be able to do it. We will discuss this elsewhere because we need to take care of Your Majesties through divine providence. Therefore we will finish talking.

[146] As we were negotiating with the pashas, many different things happened, which we will summarize at the end of this mission of ours, in order to expose everything at one place for Your Majesty. We beg Your Majesty for forgiveness if we had said something that he would not approve. We do not doubt that we had declared such things, and that we were unworthy servants, because we are only human beings. Furthermore, we are not completely adequate for fulfilling such state service, because we could return a once taken region neither by our loyalty, nor by our watchfulness, nor by all the efforts we invested. Everything else we accomplished, we measure by the grace of Your Majesty, if this had managed to please him. We will execute any kind of service for Your Majesty in the future, even at the price of even greater danger for our own lives than was this service which, through your benevolent decision, you considered it needed to be assigned to us.

We will add to this two more things. After we had done everything, Rüstem Pasha× called us to his home privately on three occasions. Although we were hoping that we would not have any other work to do, he repeated these two things many times. Firstly, that we should invest the greatest possible effort to arrange with Your Majesty in his name for the release and return of four prisoners, who were either arrested at Szigetvár×, or at other locations, as a token of their friendship. His ruler would demonstrate significant gratitude for this deed, because the mentioned prisoners were slaves of some dignitaries at his court. Secondly, if we were to arrange this as diligently as we can, he will decide what needs to be done regarding the acceptance of the present conditions of the peace agreement, and give such an answer to his ruler due to which he would not be ashamed neither before him, nor before his colleagues, other pashas and viziers, and in the future, whenever he will take care of other interests of Your Majesty, his intercession before the Sultan will always be accepted. After we had presented this request by Rüstem Pasha× before Your Majesty, we consider it redundant to diligently fulfill his other requests. Your Majesty will most wisely decide what needs to be done regarding those. As we consider that it is very difficult to accept the aforementioned idea by the Pasha, equally in view of his first request we consider we should not in vain [147] fulfill the wishes of ungrateful and arrogant enemies by doing them favors. Kara Hamza Bey’s[33] example is witness to the extent of how dangerous and useless this can be, as no grace had been shown, nor given to us resulting from this case. What is more undeserving, the Turks sent him, more powerful than before and excellently acquainted with our situation, armed to the teeth, to our borders, in order to take revenge upon us for the damage he had suffered in our captivity. This proved to be even more serious because we have never before had to deal with a more cruel, vicious and bellicose enemy commander, i.e., sanjakbey. Later, when Your Majesty orders us, we will also submit a report on the names of other prisoners, as well as of people whose slaves they have become.

Fußnoten

[1] Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq× (Latin: Augerius Gislenius Busbequius, 1522–1592), Flemish writer, botanist and diplomat in the service of three generations of Habsburg rulers. Busbecq× acted as an envoy in Istanbul×, and he described his experiences in a book entitled Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum (Travels to Constantinople and Amasya), which was first published in 1581. The second edition was published in 1595 under the title Turcicae epistolae (Turkish Letters).

[2] In April of 1554, Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent× made a decision to deliver Hungary× together with Transylvania× back to John Sigismund×. The next year, he sent a message to the Transylvanian nobles demanding of them to promise him unconditional obedience. For more details, cf. Gábor Barta, “The Emergence of the Principality and its First Crises (1526–1606)“, in: History of Transylvania, eds. Béla Köpeczi et al. (Budimpešta: Akademiai Kiado, 1994), p. 258.

[3] This refers to Transylvania×.

[4] This is an allusion to the negotiations between the Habsburg emissaries and Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent× on the conclusion of a peace treaty with King Ferdinand I×, which took place in Amasya×, a town if northeast Turkey×, in the fall of 1554. For more details, cf. Kaya Şahin, Empire and Power in the Reign of Suleyman. Narrating the Sixteenth Century Ottoman World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), pp. 132–135.

[5] Palota×, fortress in present-day northeastern Slovakia. [Note by Stephan Kurz: As the Palota in Slovakia does not feature a fortress, it is unlikely the place to be meant here. We identify it as Várpalota.]

[6] Szigetvár×, town and former fortress in southwestern Hungary×. During the Middle Ages, Szigetvár× was an important fortress within the Hungarian county of Somogy and its vicinity, owing to its advantageous location, a smaller urban settlement evolved.

[7] This is an allusion to the Battle of Mohács×, a military engagement near the town of Mohács× in Hungary× on August 29, 1526, during which a numerically superior Ottoman army led by Sultan Süleyman II the Magnificent× defeated the Hungarian-Croatian army led by King Louis II Jagiellon×. The Ottoman army under the command of the Sultan and his Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha× in late June 1526 crossed the river Sava near the present-day Serbian town of Zemun× and met with the forces led by the Bosnian and Semendire (Smederevo) Sanjakbeys, Husref Bey× and Bali Bey Yahyapaşaoğlu. After the Ottoman capture of the present-day Serbian town of Petrovaradin× (July 15), Louis II× led an army to meet them and encamped mid-August at the Mohács× Field. In the meantime, the Ottoman army captured present-day Croatian towns of Ilok and Osijek (August 14), built a great bridge across the river Drava and passed into Hungary×. The main commander of the Hungarian-Croatian army was Pál Tomori, Bishop of Kalocsa×. During the battle a great number of Hungarian and Croatian nobles were killed, and King Louis II× drowned in a creek called Čelej (Hungarian: Csele) during escape, leaving the country without an heir.

[8] This probably refers to the rebellion of Peter Petrović× against Ferdinand I× and the uprising of the Székelys or the Szeklers, an estate “nation” living mainly in eastern Transylvania×, who swore the oath of loyalty to the Sultan’s protégé John Sigismund Zápolya×. For more details, cf. Barta, History of Transylvania, p. 257.

[9] Barnabas Bellay× is mentioned in the letter of King of Hungary×Vladislaus II Jagiellon× dated November 24, 1515. In the letter, the king is asking the Bishop of Esztergom× for advice regarding Bellay, who had been in Istanbul× for two years, without the Sultan accepting the conclusion of a three-year peace agreement, demanding that the King of Hungary× make a new decision about its duration. Cf. J. S. (John Sherren) Brewer, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, Preserved in the Public Record Office, The British Museum, and elsewhere in England, Vol. II, Part 1.2. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), p. 313.

[10] Philip II× (Valladolid, May 21, 1527 – El Escorial, September 13, 1598), the King of Spain and son of Charles V Habsburg×. He became the King of Naples in 1554, master of Holland in 1555, and after the abdication of Charles V× the King of Spain, Sicily, Sardinia and the Spanish colonial empire.

[11] Timişoara×, town in present-day western Romania. In 1552, it was captured by the Ottomans, and during their rule it was the center of an eponymous eyalet.

[12] Lippa× (Romanian: Lipova), town in present-day western Romania. In the sixteenth century it was located in western Transylvania×, and between 1552 and 1559 it was under Ottoman rule.

[13] This refers to Eger×, Palota× and Szigetvár×.

[14] According to indications in the text, it can be posited that the holiday in question is Eid al-Fitr (Turkish: Ramazan Bayramı), a three-day celebration after the end of one-month period of fasting, i.e., Ramadan. The dates mentioned by the authors of the report are not of help in the identification of the holiday because the dates of Islamic holidays vary throughout the year since they are based on the lunar calendar.

[15] This most likely refers to the influential women at the Ottoman court, this being Sultan Süleyman’s wife Hürrem× and their daughter Mihrimah×, Rüstem Pasha×’s wife.

[16] This refers to Ogier de Busbecq×.

[17] That is, György Martinuzzi×.

[18] That is, the Pasha’s ruler.

[19] The agreement in question is the Treaty of Nagyvárad× of 1538.

[20] Huszt× (Hungarian: Huszt, Ukrainian and Russian: Xуст), fortress situated on the river Khustets in western Ukraine. In 1526 it became part of Transylvania×, and Ferdinand I captured it in 1546.

[21] That is, the Sultan.

[22] Mukachevo× (Ukrainian and Russian: Мукачево, Hungarian: Munkács), a fortress situated in the valley of the river Latorica in western Ukraine. In the sixteenth century it belonged to Transylvania×.

[23] This refers to the Treaty of Weissenburg×, an agreement between Ferdinand I× and the Transylvanian estates signed on July 19, 1551 in Alba Iulia×.

[24] Košice× (Hungarian: Kassa), town on the river Hornád, in present-day Slovakia. In the sixteenth century Košice× was a significant military stronghold of northern Hungary×.

[25] This refers to Philip II×, the King of Spain.

[26] The battle in question is the Battle of Saint-Quentin in northern France, which took place on August 10, 1557. In this battle the Spanish army with the support of English troops of Philip’s wife Mary I (1516–1558) totally defeated the French forces of King Henri II× (1519–1559). For more details, cf. Jean Charpentier and François Lebrun, Povijest Francuske (Zagreb: Barbat, 1999), p. 127.

[27] This could be an allusion to the attack on Rome×, carried out by the Spanish military commander Fernand Álvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba (1507–1582), in the night between August 26 and 27, 1557, with the intent to scare the French ally, Pope Paul IV. For more details, cf. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, Vol. III, p. 686.

[28] This refers to Pope Paul IV (real name Giovanni Pietro Carafa; vicinity of Benevento, June 28, 1476 – Rome, August 18, 1559), who pontificate lasted between 1555 and 1559. From 1536, he was the Archbishop of Naples× and a cardinal. He helped Pope Paul III with the reform of the papal court. He refused to accept the abdication of Emperor Charles V× and the election of Ferdinand I× as the Holy Roman Emperor, and during the last phase of the Italians Wars he supported Henri II×, King of France (1519–1559).

[29] The envoy in question is Jean Cavenac de la Vigne, who was French envoy at the Porte between 1556 and 1566. King Henri II× sent him to Istanbul× to secure the intervention of the Ottoman fleet in Italy× as a support to the French in the fight against the Spanish troops led by the Duke of Alba. For more details, cf. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, Vol. III, pp. 691–693.

[30] Greater Armenia (Latin: Armenia Maior, Greek: Ἀ>ρμενία Μεγάλη) encompassed the area from the Euphrates in the west, part of the Iraqi Azerbaijan in the east and modern-day Georgia in the north, whereas its southern borders reached the northern part of Mesopotamia.

[31] The area in question is probably the contemporary Baghdad Eyalet, that is, the area of present-day Iraq.

[32] This probably refers to the addressee, the Habsburg King Ferdinand I× and his nephew, Spanish King Philip II×.

[33] Kara Hamza Bey, Ottoman military commander who was the Sanjakbey of the Szécsény and Hatvan Sanjaks in present-day northern Hungary× during the sixteenth century.






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